David J. Ekerdt

Background and Objectives: The busy ethic for retirement, as proposed by Ekerdt (1986, The busy ethic: moral continuity between work and retirement. The Gerontologist, 26(3), 239–244. doi:10.1093/geront/26.3.239), is a prescriptive norm that esteems an occupied, active lifestyle. This research is the first attempt to measure the busy ethic in a standardized way and apply it to a population-based sample. The objectives are to examine whether a busy ethic is affirmed by retirees; to test busy ethic endorsement by different segments of the retired population; and to examine whether endorsement is associated with selected activities. Research Design and Methods: We developed a scale measuring the busy ethic for a survey among 1,143 Dutch retirees. We tested 2 sets of hypotheses about social factors that might explain subscription to a busy norm: a hypothesis about modernization (i.e., individual autonomy from social control) that would reduce busy ethic endorsement and a hypothesis about differential exposure to expectations. Results: Greater consent to the busy ethic was associated with circumstances that enable active lifestyles (perceived income adequacy, self-reported health), that raise one’s social value (education), and that entail more social connectedness (religious service attendance). Busy ethic agreement was positively associated with engagement in paid work, productive social activities, and group recreation. Discussion and Implications: We found substantial endorsement of the importance of activity for oneself and others. The idealization of a busy retirement as a good retirement may be a seeming way for retirees to defer old age. At the same time, a prescriptive norm of activation may put strain on older adults who are less capable of conforming.

Although working men and women share common retirement concerns, women encounter unique challenges in securing their retirement. These challenges arise from factors such as part-time work, intermittent work histories, and potential wealth disparities. Marital status also exerts a profound influence on retirement decisions. Marital status significantly impacts their financial security as they approach retirement. This study investigates the intricate relationship between gender, marital status, and theory of planned behavior factors that influence retirement planning among older adults. Utilizing data from the 2014 Health and Retirement Study (HRS) and RAND, the research analyzed 2,657 participants aged 50 to 62, all of whom reported full or part-time employment. Also, the research leveraged the theory of planned behavior to examine motivational factors affecting retirement planning. The study's findings highlight the significant association of gender with expected retirement timing, revealing that married women typically anticipate retiring earlier than both unmarried women and men. In addition, older adults who secure retirement resources tend to retire earlier. It is important to develop tailored policies and initiatives to address the specific retirement challenges women face. It is imperative to develop retirement support systems that consider the gender, marital statuses, and retirement resources of older adults, and to give special attention to those who are vulnerable. This study provides valuable insights into the intricate interplay of gender, marital status, retirement motivation factors and retirement planning among older adults.

Objectives: Higgs and Gilleard (2015) have uniquely theorized the fourth age as a “social imaginary” of deep old age that blends notions of frailty, abjection, and the moral relations of care. This report evaluates the coherence and reach of the fourth-age imaginary among older adults in relative good health. Methods: In a qualitative design and within samples at 5 sites (in Czechia, Germany, Hong Kong, Taiwan, and the United States), 138 adults aged 70+ and still living independently discussed what it would mean to be “not independent” in later life. Replies referenced other people in general, specific people, and one’s own actual or potential experience. Results: Pooled across sites, the views of our participants confirm the theorized features of the social imaginary. Participants spoke readily of gateway infirmities heralding frailty and of frailty’s abjection; expressed dread and abhorrence of dependence, some saying that death would be preferable; and were anxious about nursing homes and about burdening others with an obligation to care for them. Discussion: The bleak but formidable reputation of the fourth age impinges on those living in the third. The consonant expression of fourth-age features among older adults on 3 continents supports Gilleard and Higgs’s claim that the fourth-age imaginary “contains a universal ontological quality” owing to human corporeality and the senescence to which it is subject. Fourth-age studies that document the lived experience of frailty and dependence have the potential to undermine the imaginary and furnish new narratives for facing the future.

The personal futures of older adults are continually in mind, motivating goals, desires and plans. People approach the near and long term with differing agentic traits and dispositions, and they face forward, as well, from differing standpoints according to socio-economic position. This is a study of how persons who are economically privileged diverge in their future thought from persons of modest means, asking how income level qualifies the capacity to imagine, and foresee affecting, the future. We draw upon interviews conducted with 42 older, community-dwelling individuals in the Midwestern United States of America, a sample that was partitioned into two groups, one with below-median incomes versus one with incomes above 200 per cent of median. Interviews disclosed various foci of future thought with common contents among the two groups. Three foci, however, confirmed between-group differences in confidence about handling possible material and support needs, and also in enacting idealised norms of retirement. The underlying theme of these foci – financial security, long-term supports and services, and trips and travel – was the perceived affordability of the future. We conclude that there is indeed a material basis for imagination of and proactivity toward the future. When paradigms about later life set expectations that idealise lifestyle choice, consumption and prudential preparation for the future, these are prospects towards which some can reach more readily than others.

“The Purposes of Longer Lives” is the theme under which the Annual Scientific Meeting of the Gerontological Society of America will convene in November 2018 (Gerontological Society of America, 2018). Anticipating this event, the Editors-in-Chief of the GSA scientific journals, including the Journals of Gerontology Series A, Journals of Gerontology Series B, The Gerontologist, and Innovation in Aging have worked to assemble full issues, special sections, and collections related to the conference theme. These 45 articles appear in the current issues of the journals and also on the GSA Journals Page (https://academic.oup.com/gsa). The reports, of course, were not conceived to address the theme; each one, rather, arises from research questions integral to the authors’ work, but they can be collectively viewed nonetheless in light of the “Purposes” theme. To read across these articles is to be impressed by the worldwide scope of that work and by the multidisciplinary vitality of the field—the projects, the trials, the surveys, the panel studies, and the pooling of data sources into multinational archives available for more powerful analyses. The research that flows into GSA’s journals has no borders.

Purpose of the Study: Where to grow older occupies the minds of many aging adults. This study examines how anticipation of the fourth age influences third-age residential reasoning. It also investigates the role of social relationships in choosing housing for later life. Design and Methods: Analyses were based on semi-structured interviews with 30 community-dwelling retirees aged 67–97 who were asked about preparations for the future, including housing. Results: Replies about future housing fell into two categories: preemptive and contingent. In preemptive reasoning, participants anticipated that their current homes would be suitable over the long term and explained why, while those engaged in contingent reasoning could imagine a possible future move to more supportive housing and even had destination places in mind. Both types of responses reflect residential reasoning that is ongoing and driven in large part by anticipation of fourth-age vulnerabilities. Peers influenced participants’ thinking about whether, when, and where to move. Relationships with spouses and offspring were also factors commonly mentioned in residential reasoning, both in terms of sources of support and perceived obligations. Implications: The fourth age is generally conceived as an experience of loss, but it also functions as a social imaginary. Our study suggests that the fourth age, both as a potential personal destiny and a social construct, influences housing decisions among those firmly in the third age. More attention in housing research to prudential anticipation of the fourth age as well as the relational aspects of residential reasoning would enhance understanding of late-life housing choices.

Retirees' encounter with time has long interested social scientists, especially the negotiation of such an open-ended status. Pursuing theoretical suggestions that daily activities anchor a narrative of self-identity, this project examined the coherence of retirees' representations of their time use. Information is drawn from interviews with 30 retirees in the Midwestern United States of America who were invited to discuss their daily lives and activities. The retirees valued time sovereignty and accounted for their time use by describing schedules of activities in some detail. Daily time was not presented as improvised but rather as structured into routines. Recurring behaviours flowed from situations and structures in which people were implicated, such as body care and living with others. Even in replies to a specific question about the preceding day, people slipped into language about what they typically do. Retirees' ready narratives about routines were also accounts of who they are not. Our findings suggest, first, that daily routines are instrumental for retirees in economising thought and behaviour. Second, the assertion of a routine is an assurance that one's life is ordered and proceeds with purpose, thus solving the task of time. Third, routines can be a means to signal conformity with ideals of active ageing.