Vincanne Adams

Efforts to augment accountability through the use of metrics, and especially randomised controlled trial or other statistical methods place an increased burden on small nongovernmental organisations (NGOs) doing global health. In this paper, we explore how one small NGO works to generate forms of accountability and evidence that may not conform to new metrics trends but nevertheless deserve attention and scrutiny for being effective, practical and reliable in the area of maternal and infant health. Through an analysis of one NGO and, in particular, its organisational and ethical principles for creating a network of safety for maternal and child health, we argue that alternative forms of (ac)counting like these might provide useful evidence of another kind of successful global health work.

(2014). Slow Research: Thoughts for a Movement in Global Health. Medical Anthropology: Vol. 33, The Politics and Anti-Politics of Infectious Disease Control, pp. 179-197.

Data from this multiyear qualitative study of the effects of Hurricane Katrina and flooding in New Orleans suggest differences in how the elderly cope with disaster. At the time of the disaster, the elderly of New Orleans were at greater risk than other groups, and more elderly died than any other group during the storm and in the first year after. Those who did survive beyond the first year report coping with the long-term disaster aftermath better than the generation below them, experiencing heightened stresses, and feeling as if they are “aging” faster than they should. We offer insight on how we might define and characterize disasters, and illustrate that long-term catastrophes “age” in specific ways.

Many New Orleans residents who were displaced in 2005 by Hurricanes Katrina and Rita and the subsequent levee failures and floods are still displaced. Living with long‐term stress related to loss of family, community, jobs, and social security as well as the continuous struggle for a decent life in unsettled life circumstances, they manifest what we are calling “chronic disaster syndrome.” The term refers not only to the physiological and psychological effects generated at the individual level by ongoing social disruption but also to the nexus of socioeconomic and political conditions that produce this situation as a long‐term and intractable problem. Chronic disaster syndrome emerges from the convergence of three phenomena that create displacement: long‐term effects of personal trauma (including near loss of life and loss of family members, homes, jobs, community, financial security, and well‐being); the social arrangements that enable the smooth functioning of what Naomi Klein calls “disaster capitalism,” in which “disaster” is prolonged as a way of life; and the permanent displacement of the most vulnerable populations from the social landscape as a perceived remedy that actually exacerbates the syndrome.

Procedures of Informed Consent are considered a high priority for international biomedical research. However, informed consent protocols are not necessarily transferable across cultural, national or ethnic groups. Recent debates identify the need for balancing ethical universals with practical and local conditions and paying attention to questions of cultural competence when it comes to the Informed Consent process for clinical biomedical research. This article reports on the results of a two-year effort to establish a culturally appropriate Informed Consent process for biomedical research in the Tibet Autonomous Region in the People’s Republic of China. A team of Tibetan and American researchers, physicians, health professionals and medical anthropologists conducted the research. The Informed Consent was specifically for undertaking a triple-blind, double placebo-controlled randomized clinical trial of a Tibetan medicine compared with Misoprostol for reducing postpartum blood loss. The findings suggest greater need for flexibility and cooperation in establishing Informed Consent protocols across cultures and nations.

Social theorists have explored the ways in which quantification serves as an instrument of governance in the modern state, whether tied to concerns of population size and quality or to problems of social behavior. Biopolitics are as visible in the modern socialist states as they are in free-market democratic states, and they are perhaps nowhere more visible today than in the new global standards of “evidence-based medicine,” wherein it is assumed that only quantifiable evidence can serve to establish policy, procedure, and outcome. When it comes to creating ways to “civilize” and organize their target citizenry through health development, Socialist China has relied on such technologies as much as have health development funding agencies from donor countries. In this article, I look at quantitative methods in relation to assumptions that morality can be severed from truth and that numbers are potentially morally neutral. This idea is tied not only to forms of modern subjectivity but also to the distinct ways in which certain linguistic and theoretical practices relate to provisional notions of “lying,” “truth-telling,” and ways of “believing.” An exploration of the effects of attempts to quantify maternal behavior, morbidity, and mortality in rural Tibet highlights the problem of morality within an environment in which numbers are never free-standing but, rather, are always presumed to carry moral messages, and in which domains that cannot be quantified serve as a primary basis for knowing truth. Through an exploration of rural Tibetan encounters with health development programs for safe motherhood, I provide a critique of quantification and return to questions about “belief” as a rubric that interrupts modern dichotomies of lies versus truths.