Paula M. Lantz

The public policy chaos fueled by the June 2022 Dobbs v Jackson Women’s Health Organization Supreme Court decision has created a critical need for

Policy Points: Medicalization is a historical process by which personal, behavioral, and social issues are increasingly viewed through a biomedical lens and “diagnosed and treated” as individual pathologies and problems by medical authorities. Medicalization in the United States has led to a conflation of “health” and “health care” and a confusion between individual social needs versus the social, political, and economic determinants of health. The essential and important work of population health science, public health practice, and health policy writ large is being thwarted by a medicalized view of health and an overemphasis on personal health services and the health care delivery system as the major focal point for addressing societal health issues and health inequality. Increased recognition of the negative consequences of a medicalized view of health is essential, with a focus on education and training of clinicians and health care managers, journalists, and policymakers.

Policy Points: The historic 2022 Supreme Court Dobbs v Jackson Women's Health Organization decision has created a new public policy landscape in the United States that will restrict access to legal and safe abortion for a significant proportion of the population. Policies restricting access to abortion bring with them significant threats and harms to health by delaying or denying essential evidence‐based medical care and increasing the risks for adverse maternal and infant outcomes, including death. Restrictive abortion policies will increase the number of children born into and living in poverty, increase the number of families experiencing serious financial instability and hardship, increase racial inequities in socioeconomic security, and put significant additional pressure on under‐resourced social welfare systems.

The Affordable Care Act (ACA) was designed with multiple goals in mind, including a reduction in social disparities in health care and health status. This was to be accomplished through some novel provisions and a significant infusion of resources into long-standing public programs with an existing track record related to health equity. In this article, we discuss seven ACA provisions with regard to their intended and realized impact on social inequalities in health, focusing primarily on socioeconomic and racial/ethnic disparities. Arriving at its 10th anniversary, there is significant evidence that the ACA has reduced social disparities in key health care outcomes, including insurance coverage, health care access, and the use of primary care. In addition, the ACA has had a significant impact on the volume/range of services offered and the financial security of community health centers, and through section 1557, the ACA broadened the civil rights landscape in which the health care system operates. Less clear is how the ACA has contributed to improved health outcomes and health equity. Extant evidence suggests that the part of the ACA that has had the greatest impact on social disparities in health outcomes—including preterm births and mortality—is the Medicaid expansion.

(1) Background: Smoking restrictions have been shown to be associated with reduced smoking, but there are a number of gaps in the literature surrounding the relationship between smoke-free policies and cessation, including the extent to which this association may be modified by sociodemographic characteristics. (2) Methods: We analyzed data from the Tobacco Use Supplement to the Current Population Survey, 2003–2015, to explore whether multiple measures of smoking restrictions were associated with cessation across population subgroups. We examined area-based measures of exposure to smoke-free laws, as well as self-reported exposure to workplace smoke-free policies. We used age-stratified, fixed effects logistic regression models to assess the impact of each smoke-free measure on 90-day cessation. Effect modification by gender, education, family income, and race/ethnicity was examined using interaction terms. (3) Results: Coverage by workplace smoke-free laws and self-reported workplace smoke-free policies was associated with higher odds of cessation among respondents ages 40–54. Family income modified the association between smoke-free workplace laws and cessation for women ages 25–39 (the change in the probability of cessation associated with coverage was most pronounced among lower-income women). (4) Conclusions: Heterogeneous associations between policies and cessation suggest that smoke-free policies may have important implications for health equity.