Elizabeth Arias

Background The impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the Hispanic population resulted in the almost complete elimination of the longstanding Hispanic mortality advantage relative to the non-Hispanic White population. However, it is unknown how COVID-19 mortality affected the diverse Hispanic sub-populations. Objective We estimate life expectancy at birth in 2019 and 2020 by Hispanic sub-group and explore how changes in age-specific all-cause and COVID-19 mortality affected changes in life expectancy between 2019 and 2020 for each group. Methods We use final 2019 and 2020 mortality data from the National Center for Health Statistics and population estimates based on the 2019 and 2020 American Community Survey. We calculate life tables and apply decomposition techniques to explore the effects of changes in age- and cause-specific mortality on life expectancy. Results Patterns of age- and cause-specific excess deaths and their impact on declines in life expectancy due to the COVID-19 pandemic differed substantially by Hispanic sub-group. Life expectancy losses ranged from 0.6 to 6.7 years among males and 0.6 to 3.6 years among females. Conclusions Our findings highlight the heterogeneous impact of the COVID-19 pandemic within the Hispanic population. Contributions Our findings contribute new information that will assist future research identify the causes of the disproportionately severe impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the Hispanic population. Our study underscores the importance of population disaggregation in endeavors to identify the multiple pathways by which the pandemic affected the Hispanic population.

Objectives. We estimated complete period life tables for the non-Hispanic American Indian and Alaska Native (AI/AN) population residing in Contract Health Service Delivery Area (CHSDA) counties for the period 2007–2009. Methods. We used National Vital Statistics System mortality data files for years 2007–2009 corrected for AI/AN misclassification on death certificates, midyear 2008 revised census bridged race intercensal population estimates, and National Vital Statistics System birth data for years 2006–2009. We used the same methodology as that used to estimate official US annual life tables, with some minor modifications. Results. For the period 2007–2009, the non-Hispanic AI/AN population in CHSDA counties had the lowest life expectancy at birth (71.1 years) of any racial/ethnic group for which official US life tables are estimated. By comparison, in 2008, life expectancy at birth was 73.9 years for the non-Hispanic Black population, 78.4 years for the non-Hispanic White population, and 80.8 years for the Hispanic population. Conclusions. The life tables showed a clear mortality disadvantage for the non-Hispanic AI/AN population in CHSDA counties relative to other national populations. The findings suggested that further research is necessary to explore the causes behind these disadvantages.

Objectives. We tested the data artifact hypothesis regarding the Hispanic mortality advantage by investigating whether and to what degree this advantage is explained by Hispanic origin misclassification on US death certificates. Methods. We used the National Longitudinal Mortality Study, which links Current Population Survey records to death certificates for 1979 through 1998, to estimate the sensitivity, specificity, and net ascertainment of Hispanic ethnicity on death certificates compared with survey classifications. Using national vital statistics mortality data, we estimated Hispanic age-specific and age-adjusted death rates, which were uncorrected and corrected for death certificate misclassification, and produced death rate ratios comparing the Hispanic with the non-Hispanic White population. Results. Hispanic origin reporting on death certificates in the United States is reasonably good. The net ascertainment of Hispanic origin is just 5% higher on survey records than on death certificates. Corrected age-adjusted death rates for Hispanics are lower than those for the non-Hispanic White population by close to 20%. Conclusions. The Hispanic mortality paradox is not explained by an incongruence between ethnic classification in vital registration and population data systems.

This report presents the results of an evaluation study of the validity of race and Hispanic origin reporting on death certificates in the United States and its impact on race- and Hispanic origin-specific mortality estimates. The National Longitudinal Mortality Study (NLMS) was used to evaluate death certificate classification of race and Hispanic origin by comparing death certificate with survey race-ethnicity classifications for a sample of decedents identified in NLMS. NLMS consists of a series of annual Current Population Survey files (1973 and 1978-1998) linked to death certificates for years 1979-1998. To identify and measure the effect of race-ethnicity misclassification on death certificates on mortality estimates, pooled 1999-2001 vital statistics mortality data and population data from the 2000 census were used to estimate and compare observed and corrected (for death certificate misclassification) race-ethnicity specific death rates. Race and ethnicity reporting on the death certificate continues to be excellent for the white and black populations. It remains poor for the American Indian or Alaska Native (AIAN) population but is reasonably good for the Hispanic and Asian or Pacific Islander (API) populations. Decedent characteristics such as place of residence and nativity have an important effect on the quality of reporting on the death certificate. The effects of misclassification on mortality estimates were most pronounced for the AIAN population, where correcting for misclassification reverses a large AIAN over white mortality advantage to a large disadvantage. Among the Hispanic and API populations, adjustment for death certificate misclassification did not significantly affect minority-majority mortality differentials.

We tested three competing hypotheses regarding the adult “Hispanic mortality paradox”: data artifact, migration, and cultural or social buffering effects. On the basis of a series of parametric hazard models estimated on nine years of mortality follow-up data, our results suggest that the “Hispanic” mortality advantage is a feature found only among foreign-born Mexicans and foreign born Hispanics other than Cubans or Puerto Ricans. Our analysis suggests that the foreign-born Mexican advantage can be attributed to return migration, or the “salmon-bias” effect. However, we were unable to account for the mortality advantage observed among other foreign-born Hispanics.

The crude birth rate in 2002 was 13.9 births per 1000 population, the lowest ever reported for the United States. The number of births, the crude birth rate, and the fertility rate (64.8) all declined slightly (by 1% or less) from 2001 to 2002. Fertility rates were highest for Hispanic women (94.0), followed by black (65.4), Asian or Pacific Islander (63.9), Native American (58.0), and non-Hispanic white women (57.5). Fertility rates declined slightly for all race/ethnic groups from 2001 to 2002.The birth rate for teen mothers continued to fall, dropping 5% from 2001 to 2002 to 42.9 births per 1000 women aged 15 to 19 years, another record low. The teen birth rate has fallen 31% since 1991; declines were more rapid for younger teens aged 15 to 17 (40%) than for older teens aged 18 to 19 (23%). The proportion of all births to unmarried women remained approximately the same at one third. Smoking during pregnancy continued to decline; smoking rates were highest among teen mothers.In 2002, 26.1% of births were delivered by cesarean section, up 7% since 2001 and 26% since 1996. The primary cesarean rate has risen 23% since 1996, whereas the rate of vaginal birth after a previous cesarean delivery has fallen 55%. The use of timely prenatal care increased slightly to 83.8% in 2002. From 1990 to 2002, the use of timely prenatal care increased by 6% (to 88.7%) for non-Hispanic white women, by 24% (to 75.2%) for black women, and by 28% (to 76.8%) for Hispanic women, thus narrowing racial disparities.The percentage of preterm births rose to 12.0% in 2002, from 10.6% in 1990 and 9.4% in 1981. Increases were largest for non-Hispanic white women. The percentage of low birth weight (LBW) births also increased to 7.8% in 2002, up from 6.7% in 1984. Twin and triplet/+ birth rates both increased by 3% from 2000 to 2001. Multiple births accounted for 3.2% of all births in 2001.The infant mortality rate (IMR) was 6.9 per 1000 live births (provisional data) in 2002 compared with 6.8 in 2001 (final data). The ratio of the IMR among black infants to that for white infants was 2.5 in 2001, the same as in 2000. Racial differences in infant mortality remain a major public health concern. The role of LBW in infant mortality remains a major issue. New Hampshire, Utah, and Massachusetts had the lowest IMRs. State-by-state differences in IMR reflect racial composition, the percentage of LBW, and birth weight–specific neonatal mortality rates for each state. The United States continues to rank poorly in international comparisons of infant mortality.Expectation of life at birth reached a record high of 77.2 years for all sex and race groups combined in 2001. Death rates in the United States continue to decline. Between 2000 and 2001, death rates declined for the 3 leading causes of death: diseases of the heart, malignant neoplasms, and cerebrovascular diseases. Death rates for children ages 1 to 19 years decreased for unintentional injuries by 3.3% in 2001; the death rate for chronic lower respiratory diseases decreased by 25% in 2001. Cancer and suicide levels did not change for children ages 1 to 19. A large proportion of childhood deaths continue to occur as a result of preventable injuries.

The objective of this article is to provide estimates of life expectancy for White, Black, and Hispanic populations by socioeconomic factors. Effects of educational, income, employment, and marital status on life expectancy are presented and interpreted. The National Longitudinal Mortality Study, consisting of a number of Current Population Surveys (CPS) linked to mortality information obtained from the National Death Index, provides data to construct life tables for various socioeconomic and demographic groups. Probabilities of death are estimated using a person-year approach to accommodate the aging of the population over 11 years of follow up. Across various ethnicity-race-sex groups, longer life expectancy was observed for individuals with higher levels of education and income, and for those who were married and employed. The differences in life expectancy between levels of the socioeconomic characteristics tended to be larger for men than for women. Also, differences were found to be larger for the non-Hispanic Black population compared to the non-Hispanic White population. Hispanic White men exhibited patterns similar to those of non-Hispanic White and Black men. For selected ethnicity-race-sex groups, the impact of socioeconomic variables on life expectancy is dramatic. The shorter life expectancy observed among the poor, the less educated, the unmarried, and those not in the labor force, highlights the impact of socioeconomic disadvantage on survival. Further, the substantial 14-year differential favoring the employed over those not in the labor force may be partially explained by unemployment due to poor health. Another reason may be that employed individuals have greater access to health care than do those not in the labor force.