Ron Roberts

R.D. Laing’s investigations into family relationships tell us much about memory as a source of psychological distress. Laing concluded that patterns of thinking and behaviour established in the family over generations are re-enacted whether we are aware of it or not. Using Laing’s studies of the family as a framework, we argue that the expression of emotion, identity, thought, belief and behaviour in social settings is subject to the formative nature of memory. The link between memory and psychological distress (of varying severity) becomes evident when individuals are exposed to either (1) an enacted ideology within the family or social group, which is transmitted across generations; (2) denial or concealment in the face of direct experience and/or empirical evidence, for example, injustices in the workplace, war crimes or (3) explicit and incontrovertible actions that destroy relationships and which create painful memories. Any unjustifiable attempt to reconstruct, undermine or eradicate memory may be experienced as an assault on psychological well-being whether in the family, the workplace or the community of nations.

Available evidence suggests that changes in the funding of UK higher education in recent years have been accompanied by an increased student presence in the sex industry, ostensibly for financial reasons and to make ends meet. The current study comprises a sample of students (N = 200) drawn from several universities in the UK. Data were gathered on financial and employment circumstances, a range of measures of psychological well-being, attitudes to sex work, whether respondents were currently engaged in different types of sex work and whether they had participated in utilising a range of sexual services or forms of adult entertainment. Results indicated that around 6% (2.7%–9.3%) of the sample was currently working in the sex industry – in erotic dancing, stripping or escorting, with significant numbers of both male and female students also involved in purchasing and using sexual services. Little evidence was found to link these activities to prior experiences of psychological adversity. The implications of the results are discussed.

Since publication of the Social Exclusion Report in 1999, the adverse outcomes associated with young pregnancy have been a focus for Government policy. The ensuing Teenage Pregnancy Strategy sought to reduce social exclusion of young parents and their children. In this exploratory study, semi-structured interviews were conducted with young mothers (n=16) and fathers (n = 5) from a variety of socioeconomic environments, to explore their experience of being a young parent and some of the influences on their sexual and reproductive behaviours. They were recruited from two "more deprived" and two "more affluent" areas (Index of Multiple Deprivation classification). Their personal deprivation was measured by their parents' occupation. Thematic analysis was used to analyse the interview transcripts and identified themes were explored. Although housing was not included as a topic in the interview guide, responses indicated that housing is a cause of stress for young parents throughout and beyond pregnancy. Findings suggest that existing policies on supportive housing units adversely affect the relationship between young parents and between young fathers and their children. It is suggested that existing policies on supportive housing units should be reviewed to produce more supportive environments for parents and child. It was noted that the semi-structured interview method was successful in enabling the researchers to more fully understand the world as experienced by these young parents, and the researchers suggest that this research method may be particularly useful for use with vulnerable groups to suggest effective interventions.

Increasing evidence points to student involvement in the sex industry. The current study comprised a cross-sectional sample of 315 undergraduates at a London university. Using a semi-structured questionnaire, data were gathered on students' financial and employment circumstances and their views on participation in sex work. Results suggested awareness of student sex work was widespread, and considered understandable by the majority. Students principally attributed participation in the sex industry to their financial situation. A relatively high proportion (16.5%) indicated that they would be willing to engage in sex work to pay for their education, with 11% indicating they would work as escorts. A model of willingness to undertake sex work was able to explain over one-quarter of the variance. These findings are explained in relation to the mainstreaming of sexual consumption, the supply routes of sexual labour from privileged socio-economic positions and the effects of student debt.

Available evidence suggests that changes in the funding of higher education have led to some students entering the sex industry in order to make ends meet. The current study comprises a sample of undergraduates (N = 130) in the south of England, who completed a cross‐sectional survey of their financial circumstances, health, psychological well‐being, substance use and lifestyle. A response rate of 74% was obtained. Data indicated that over 10% of all respondents knew of students engaged in sex work (defined as prostitution, escorting, lap dancing or stripping) in order to support themselves financially. Poor psychological well‐being, drinking problems and financial circumstances were associated with sex work, and although no direct evidence was found linking this to an earlier history of sexual abuse, there was an indirect relationship through the impact of abuse on mental health. A logistic regression model incorporating General Health Questionnaire scores, alcohol problems and hours worked outside of study strongly predicted whether respondents knew of students engaged in sex work. For lap dancing in particular the model was very strong. This study provides further evidence of students' participation in sex work and its association with economic circumstances. Further longitudinal work is required to clarify the nature of these relationships.

To date little is known about the effects of financial hardship on student parents, who remain a significant although largely unrecognized proportion of the student population. The objective of this study was to gain an insight into their concerns and illuminate issues which may have far‐reaching consequences not only for the mental and physical health of student parents but also for their children. Interviews were conducted with 12 women who are parents balancing home life with studies and, in some cases, work. Questions were directed at obtaining information relating to both direct and indirect pressures of financial hardship on home and family life. Questioning covered eight topics: change in lifestyle; financial situation; work; sacrifices—financial or otherwise; financial resources; financial impact on mental or physical health; impact on children; doubts over worth of study. For the majority, financial adversity affected their psychological well‐being. In many cases parents reported that their own stress adversely affected their children. Questions were also raised regarding parents' ability to meet the dietary needs of their children. Quality of home and family life also suffered as a consequence of financial hardship. Students' reflections on their experiences offer a clear insight into the emotional costs of further education exacerbated by financial hardship for both them and their family.