Chantelle Richmond

Indigenous peoples in Canada continue to experience mental health inequities shaped by colonization, and hospitals are increasingly creating Traditional Healing Spaces (THS) in response to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission’s Call to Action #22. How such spaces should be studied, using methods epistemologically consistent with the healing they support, remains underexamined. A virtual Sharing Circle was held in March 2022 with seven Indigenous and non-Indigenous staff at the Centre for Addiction and Mental Health (CAMH), Canada’s largest mental health hospital, each of whom had previously been interviewed individually about the hospital’s three THS. A Two-Spirit Indigenous artist attended as a witness and produced five works of visual storywork in real time. Transcript and images were analyzed together through the Vision Wheel, a framework adapted from Medicine Wheel teachings, under the governance of an Indigenous Research Circle. The circle generated collective knowledge that individual interviews had not reached: spiritual safety as a distinct dimension of culturally safe care; invitation and responsibility as a differentiated ethics of allyship; barriers as embodied colonial wounds and institutional accountability failures; and the Red Door, a visible designated Indigenous entrance built collectively across participants. Sharing Circle methodology, Vision Wheel analysis, and visual storywork can be combined within institutional healthcare settings to generate collective, relational knowledge.

Globally and historically, Indigenous healthcare is efficacious, being rooted in Traditional Healing (TH) practices derived from cosmology and place-based knowledge and practiced on the land. Across Turtle Island, processes of environmental dispossession and colonial oppression have replaced TH practices with a colonial, hospital-based system found to cause added harm to Indigenous Peoples. Growing Indigenous health inequities are compounded by a mental health crisis, which begs reform of healthcare institutions. The implementation of Indigenous knowledge systems in hospital environments has been validated as a critical source of healing for Indigenous patients and communities, prompting many hospitals in Canada to create Traditional Healing Spaces (THSs). After ten years, however, there has been no evaluation of the effectiveness of THSs in Canadian hospitals in supporting healing among Indigenous Peoples. In this paper, our team describes THSs within the Center for Addiction and Mental Health (CAMH), Canada’s oldest and largest mental health hospital. Analyses of 22 interviews with hospital staff and physicians describe CAMH’s THSs, including what they look like, how they are used, and by whom. The results emphasize the importance of designating spaces with and for Indigenous patients, and they highlight the wholistic benefits of land-based treatment for both clients and staff alike. Transforming hospital spaces by implementing and valuing Indigenous knowledge sparks curiosity, increases education, affirms the efficacy of traditional healing treatments as a standard of care, and enhances the capacity of leaders to support reconciliation efforts.

This research draws from a community-engaged methodology and qualitative interviews to narrate the creation and daily operations of an Indigenous food bank in London, Ontario, Canada. In-depth interviews (n = 10) with program leaders, volunteers, and recipients detailed the day-to-day operations, including where and how foods were collected and distributed, and a preliminary analysis of the meanings and challenges of the food bank. The key strengths of the food bank are its focus on cultural safety, provision of traditional foods, and its community-led approach. The limitations of the food bank relate to the structure of the workload and sustainability of program funding. Community-led research with Indigenous non-profit organizations, such as that presented here, offer approaches that are critically important for creating culturally relevant and inclusive data that can both explain and address Indigenous health inequities, and provide the evidence needed to advocate for change.

Indigenous peoples globally are pursuing diverse strategies to foster mental, emotional, and spiritual wellness by reclaiming and restoring their relationships to land. For Anishinaabe communities, the land is the source of local knowledge systems that sustain identities and foster mino-bimaadiziwin, that is, living in a good and healthy way. In July 2019, the community of Biigtigong Nishnaabeg in Ontario, Canada hosted a week-long land camp to reclaim Mountain Lake and reconnect Elders, youth and band staff to the land, history, and relationships of this place. Framed theoretically by environmental repossession, we explore the perceptions of 15 participating community members and examine local and intergenerational meanings of the camp for mental wellness. The findings show that the Mountain Lake camp strengthened social relationships, supported the sharing and practice of Anishinaabe knowledge, and fostered community pride in ways that reinforced the community’s Anishinaabe identity. By exploring the links between land reclamation, identity, and community empowerment, we suggest environmental repossession as a useful concept for understanding how land reconnection and self-determination can support Indigenous mental wellness.

Indigenous families are overrepresented among those within Canada who experience food insecurity. Studies have largely focused on northern populations, with less attention paid to southern and urban communities, including the social, cultural, and geographic processes that challenge food security. In this study, we present findings from a decade‐long community‐based study with the Southwest Ontario Aboriginal Health Access Centre (London, Ontario) to examine family perspectives related to the social determinants of food security. These topics were explored through qualitative interviews (n = 25) and focus groups (n = 2) with First Nation mothers with young children from the city of London, and a nearby reserve community. Interviewees from both geographies identified a number of socio‐economic challenges including household income and transportation. However, some interviewees also shed light on barriers to healthy eating unique to these Indigenous contexts including access issues such as a lack of grocery stores on‐reserve; loss of knowledge related to the utilization of traditional foods; and the erosion of community, familial, and social supports. Resolving these unique determinants of food security for urban and reserve‐based First Nation families will require a range of economic and culturally specific interventions, particularly those that support development and uptake of Indigenous foodways.

In Canada, few studies have examined how place shapes Indigenous food environments, particularly among Indigenous people living in southern regions of Ontario. This paper examines and compares circumstances of food insecurity that impact food access and dietary quality between reserve-based and urban-based Indigenous peoples in southwestern Ontario. This study used a community-based survey containing a culturally adapted food-frequency questionnaire and cross-sectional study design to measure food insecurity, food access, and dietary quality among Indigenous respondents living in urban (n = 130) and reserve-based (n = 99) contexts in southwestern Ontario. Rates of food insecurity are high in both geographies (55% and 35% among urban- and reserve-based respondents, respectively). Urban-based participants were 6 times more likely than those living on-reserve to report 3 different measures of food insecurity. Urban respondents reported income to be a significant barrier to food access, while for reserve-based respondents, time was the most pressing barrier. Compared with recommendations from Canada's Food Guide, our data revealed overwhelming trends of insufficient consumption in 3 food categories among all respondents. Close to half (54% and 52%) of the urban- and reserve-based samples reported that they eat traditional foods at least once a week, and respondents from both groups (76% of urban- and 52% of reserve-based respondents) expressed interest in consuming traditional foods more often. Indigenous Food Sovereignty and community-led research are key pathways to acknowledge and remedy Indigenous food insecurity. Policies, social movements, and research agendas that aim to improve Indigenous food security must be governed and defined by Indigenous people themselves. Indigenous food environments constitute political, social, and cultural dimensions that are infinitely place based.