Glenn Flores

Latinos recently became the largest racial/ethnic minority group of US children. The Latino Consortium of the American Academy of Pediatrics Center for Child Health Research, consisting of 13 expert panelists, identified the most important urgent priorities and unanswered questions in Latino child health. Conclusions were drawn when consensus was reached among members, with refinement through multiple iterations. A consensus statement with supporting references was drafted and revised. This article summarizes the key issues, including lack of validated research instruments, frequent unjustified exclusion from studies, and failure to analyze data by pertinent subgroups. Latino children are at high risk for behavioral and developmental disorders, and there are many unanswered questions about their mental health needs and use of services. The prevalence of dental caries is disproportionately higher for Latino children, but the reasons for this disparity are unclear. Culture and language can profoundly affect Latino children's health, but not enough cultural competency training of health care professionals and provision of linguistically appropriate care occur. Latinos are underrepresented at every level of the health care professions. Latino children are at high risk for school dropout, environmental hazards, obesity, diabetes mellitus, asthma, lack of health insurance, nonfinancial barriers to health care access, and impaired quality of care, but many key questions in these areas remain unanswered. This article suggests areas in which more research is needed and ways to improve research and care of Latino children.

Despite the importance of culture in health care and the rapid growth of ethnic diversity in the United States and Canada, little is known about the teaching of cultural issues in medical schools. The study goals, therefore, were to determine the number of U.S. and Canadian medical schools that have courses on cultural issues, and to examine the format, content, and timing of those courses. The authors contacted the deans of students and/or directors of courses on cultural issues at all 126 U.S. and all 16 Canadian medical schools. Using a cross-sectional telephone survey, they asked whether each school had a course on cultural sensitivity or multicultural issues and, if so, whether it was separate or contained within a larger course, when in the curriculum the course was taught, and which ethnic groups the course addressed. The response rates were 94% for both U.S. (118) and Canadian (15) schools. Very few schools (U.S. = 8%; and Canada = 0%) had separate courses specifically addressing cultural issues. Schools in both countries usually addressed cultural issues in one to three lectures as part of larger, mostly preclinical courses. Significantly more Canadian than U.S. schools provided no instruction on cultural issues (27% versus 8%; p =.04). Few schools taught about the specific cultural issues of the largest minority groups in their geographic areas: only 28% and 26% of U.S. schools taught about African American and Latino issues, respectively, and only two thirds of Canadian schools taught about either Asian or Native Canadian issues. Only 35% of U.S. schools addressed the cultural issues of the largest minority groups in their particular states. Most U.S. and Canadian medical schools provide inadequate instruction about cultural issues, especially the specific cultural aspects of large minority groups.

Background.: Clinical practice guidelines are increasingly being used for a wide variety of medical conditions, but not enough is known about physicians' attitudes and beliefs about guidelines, how often and under what circumstances they are used, and factors associated with their acceptance. Objective.: To determine practice guideline attitudes, beliefs, practices, and factors associated with use among a representative national sample of general pediatricians. Study Design.: Cross-sectional mail survey. Subjects.: Random sample of general pediatrician members of the American Academy of Pediatrics residing in all 50 states and Puerto Rico. Survey Instrument.: Twenty-four multiple-choice, Likert scale, yes–no, and open-ended questions about pediatric clinical practice guidelines. Results.: From 1088 respondents, 461 specialists were excluded; the remaining 627 general pediatricians were mostly male (61%), white (81%), and in group practice (62%) in a suburban location (48%). Practice guidelines are used by 35% of pediatricians, in part by 44%, and not at all by 21%. Over 100 different practice guidelines are used, most commonly for asthma (77%), hyperbilirubinemia (27%), and otitis media (19%). Common reasons for use of practice guidelines include standardization of care (17%) and helpfulness (10%). Commonly cited problems with practice guidelines include failure to allow for clinical judgment (54%), use in litigation (16%), and limitation of autonomy (5%). In multivariate analysis, the odds of practice guideline use were greater among pediatricians in health maintenance organization practices (odds ratio [OR]: 9.1; 95% confidence interval [CI]: 1.2–68.0) and those who were nonwhite (OR: 2.3; 95% CI: 1.1–4.8), but lower in those with more weekly patient visits (OR: .7; 95% CI: .5–.9). Features most likely to lead to practice guideline use include simplicity (16%), feasibility (12%), and evidence of improved outcomes (10%). Most pediatricians agree that practice guidelines improve outcomes (89%), are motivated by a desire to improve quality (94%), and should not be used in litigation (82%) or disciplinary actions (77%), nor be motivated by a desire to reduce costs (73%). Conclusions.: Most general pediatricians use practice guidelines, but no specific guidelines, except those for asthma, are used by >27% of pediatricians. The results of this study suggest that practice guidelines are most likely to be followed if they are simple, flexible, rigorously tested, not used punitively, and are motivated by desires to improve quality, not reduce costs.

OBJECTIVES: This study characterized ethnic disparities for children in demographics, health status, and use of services; explored whether ethnic subgroups (Puerto Rican, Cuban, and Mexican) have additional distinctive differences; and determined whether disparities are explained by differences in family income and parental education. METHODS: Bivariate and multivariate analyses of data on 99,268 children from the 1989-91 National Health Interview Surveys were conducted. RESULTS: Native American, Black, and Hispanic children are poorest (35%, 41% below poverty level vs 10% of Whites), least healthy (66%-74% in excellent or very good health vs 85% of Whites), and have the least well educated parents. Compared with Whites, non-White children average fewer doctor visits and are more likely to have excessive intervals between visits. Hispanic subgroup differences in demographics, health, and use of services equal or surpass differences among major ethnic groups. In multivariate analyses, almost all ethnic group disparities persisted after adjustment for family income, parental education, and other relevant covariates. CONCLUSIONS: Major ethnic groups and subgroups of children differ strikingly in demographics, health, and use of services; subgroup differences are easily overlooked; and most disparities persist even after adjustment for family income and parental education.

Background Latinos will soon be the largest minority group in the United States, but too little is known about major access barriers to health care for this group and whether these barriers result in adverse consequences. Objective To identify important access barriers to health care for Latino children, as cited by parents. Design Cross-sectional survey of parents of all 203 children coming to the pediatric Latino clinic at an inner-city hospital. Questions focused on barriers to health care experienced prior to receiving care at the Latino clinic. Results Parental ethnicity included Dominican (36%), Puerto Rican (34%), Central American (13%), and South American (11%). Only 42% of parents were American citizens, whereas 36% had green cards, and 13% had no documentation. Eight percent of parents and 65% of the children were born in the United States. Parents rated their ability to speak English as follows: very well/well, 27%; not very well, 46%; and not at all, 26%. The median annual household income was $11000; 40% of parents never graduated from high school, and 49% headed single-parent households. Forty-three percent of the children were uninsured. A sick child was routinely brought to hospital clinics by 56% of parents, to the emergency department by 21%, and to neighborhood health centers by 21%. When asked to name the single greatest barrier to health care for their children, parents cited language problems (26%), long waiting time at the physician's office (15%), no medical insurance (13%), and difficulty paying medical bills (7%). When parents were asked if a particular barrier had ever caused them not to bring their children in, transportation was cited by 21%; not being able to afford health care, 18%; excessive waiting time in the clinic, 17%; no health insurance, 16%; and lack of cultural understanding by staff, 11%. Some parents who spoke little or no English reported that medical staff not speaking Spanish had led to adverse health consequences for their children, including poor medical care (8%), misdiagnosis (6%), and prescription of inappropriate medications (5%). Multivariate analyses of selected health outcomes using 7 independent variables showed that low family income was significantly associated with greater odds of a child's having suboptimal health status (odds ratio, 1.5; 95% confidence interval, 1.04-2.2) and an increased number of physician visits in the past year (P<.04), but reduced odds (odds ratio, 0.6; 95% confidence interval, 0.4-0.9) of the child's being brought to the emergency department for a routine sick visit. Children whose parents had resided in the United States for fewer than 8 years were at reduced odds (odds ratio, 0.5; 95% confidence interval, 0.2-0.9) for having spent a day or more in bed for illness in the past year. Conclusions Parents identified language problems, cultural differences, poverty, lack of health insurance, transportation difficulties, and long waiting times as the major access barriers to health care for Latino children. Language problems can result in adverse health consequences for some children, including poor medical care, misdiagnosis, and inappropriate medication and hospitalization. Low family income is an important independent risk factor among Latino children for suboptimal health and high utilization of health services.

More than 9 million Latino children currently live in the United States. Latinos will soon be the largest minority group in the country, but little is known about access barriers to health care faced by Latino children. We reviewed the literature to define specific barriers to care for Latino children, identify methodologic problems, and highlight the clinical and research implications of the identified barriers. We did a MEDLINE search, using combinations of the key words Hispanic, children, and access. Study exclusion criteria included "not an original research article," "enrolled only adult subjects," "no separate data analysis for children," and "dental care focus." The search yielded 497 citations, of which 27 met the inclusion criteria. Of the 32 potential barriers identified, 21 had good supportive evidence. Lack of health insurance was a consistent barrier; recent data revealed that 26% of Latino children are uninsured, compared with 10% of white children and 14% of African-American children. Latino children also are at greater risk for episodic insurance coverage, low rates of private insurance, and loss of employee-based coverage. Parent beliefs about the etiology and treatment of their child's illness, use of home remedies, choice of sources of advice, and folk medicine practices may also influence how health care is obtained. Few data are available on differences in access among major Latino subpopulations, and no studies focused primarily on barriers as perceived by Latino parents. Evidence is equivocal or lacking that the following are barriers for Latino children: immigration status, duration of parent residency in the United States, and acculturation. Several barriers were identified that originate with practices and behaviors of health care providers, including reduced screening, missed vaccination opportunities, decreased likelihood of receiving prescriptions, and poor communication. Lack of health insurance and lack of a regular source of care are major access barriers for Latino children, but many other barriers were identified that also can have a substantial effect on health care. In addition, the behaviors and practices of both health care providers and parents can affect access to care. Too little is known about what parents perceive to be the major barriers, access differences among Latino subpopulations, the roles of language and culture, and the causes of obstacles resulting from the actions of providers.