Hatidža Beriša

The paper analyzes the relationship between a terrorist event and its political effect. It starts from the assumption that the immediate characteristics of a terrorist attack, such as the number of victims, target selection, mode of execution, and symbolic value of the attacked object, do not provide a sufficient explanation of its political consequences. The main aim of the paper is to formulate an analytical model that explains the political effect of a terrorist event as an outcome of the interaction between institutional, political, and social determinants. In this model, the terrorist event is treated as the initial analytical unit, while the political effect is treated as the dependent outcome to be explained. The model is empirically examined through a comparative analysis of three cases: the terrorist attacks in the United States on September 11, 2001, the Madrid attacks of March 11, 2004, and the Norway attacks of July 22, 2011. The analysis shows that the different political outcomes of these events can be explained more consistently by examining institutional responses, political definitions of the threat, and social interpretations of the attack than by relying solely on the immediate characteristics of the terrorist events themselves.

This paper analyzes Serbia’s foreign policy as a strategy of balancing between the European Union (EU) and the Russian Federation in the context of the Kosovo and Metohija issue. Treating Kosovo and Metohija as a permanent structural constraint on state strategy, the paper examines political and economic developments since 2000 and their influence on Serbia’s foreign policy positioning. The focus is placed on the economic dimension of balancing, specifically Serbia’s dependence on the EU as its main trade and investment partner, while simultaneously emphasizing partial, particularly critical energy dependencies on the Russian Federation. The analysis indicates that balancing does not imply merely symmetrical distributions of influence, but rather a combination of institutional reliance in the Kosovo issue and economic dependencies concentrated in the energy sector, which increases the costs associated with distancing from Moscow. The aim of the paper is to present the strategy of balancing as a rational, yet long-term unstable response of a small state to structural constraints arising from the Kosovo and Metohija issue, as well as from the unfinished process of European integration in the region. The aim of the paper is to present the strategy of balancing as a rational, yet long-term unstable response of a small state to structural constraints arising from the Kosovo and Metohija issue, as well as from the unfinished process of European integration in the region.

The subject of this paper is the analysis of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, which represents one of the most significant geopolitical events of the contemporary international order, with far-reaching consequences for global and regional relations. Even after more than four years of the conflict, which remains the focus of world attention, it serves as an input for unpacking global geopolitics. As a global problem, it has shaken the foundations of world hegemons, raising the question of the extent to which it shifts the foundations of the Western Balkan countries, whose states remain unfinished projects of the post-Cold War era. The diverse interests of the Western Balkan countries and the differences in their foreign policy approaches deepen political disagreements, thereby affecting their causality and regional stability. This paper defines the extent to which the conflict alters their foreign policy stances toward the Russian Federation, and how it reflects on their economies, political, and security relations. Through a historical-comparative method, the paper examines the degree of traditional ties between the Russian Federation and the Western Balkan countries, as well as their divergence aimed at aligning foreign policy with the policies of the European Union and the wider international community, taking into account their aspirations toward European integration. The aim of this paper is to contribute to the understanding of the impact of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict on the foreign policy relations of the Western Balkan countries toward the Russian Federation, and to provide a better insight into contemporary foreign policy developments within a broader international context.

Nbsp;The war in Ukraine has accelerated geopolitical polarization and geostrategic regrouping, as well as the creation of new geoeconomic arrangements in the international system. The West has taken a collective position in condemning Russian aggression, imposing sanctions on the Russian Federation and providing assistance to Ukraine. On the other hand, the strategic competition between China and the United States is gradually taking the form of a new Cold War. These processes have directly spilled over into the energy sector, particularly in Europe, where the process of the European Union's energy "de-Russification" has accelerated. The Union is seeking to free itself from dependence on imports of Russian energy products as quickly as possible, while simultaneously accelerating the transition to renewable energy sources. In doing so, it has introduced a series of comprehensive measures to protect its net-zero industry from increasingly fierce competition and to raise the level of its strategic autonomy. The paper proceeds from the hypothetical assumption that the global geopolitical recomposition currently under way has also initiated the process of creating a new "energy regime", that is, changes in relations among the great powers concerning control over key energy resources. Therefore, the analysis of the geopolitical challenges facing the European Union is based on the postulates of classical geopolitical thought, in which power relations are considered from the perspective of politics, geography and energy products / critical raw materials. The energy "de-Russification" of Europe has generated a series of geopolitical challenges for the energy security of the European Union and its member states. The long-term rise in energy prices seriously threatens the competitiveness and economic growth of the European Union economy and the standard of living of its population, and it has increased the Union's vulnerability to disruptions on the global energy market. At the same time, the acceleration of the European Union's energy transition has created the problem of strategic autonomy in the production and development of key industrial components for harnessing solar and wind energy.

DoiFil - Repository of Digital Object Identifiers (DOIs) Issued by Faculty of Philology, University of Belgrade

Observed through a historical prism, the crisis in the Kosovo and Metohija region of Serbia is determined by geopolitical interests of regional and global powers, historic processes and ethnographic changes, in which constantly, but with varying intensity, Albanian and Serbian people confront and defend each other’s right over the territory. The NATO aggression in 1999 on the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY) and the ensuing proclamation of “Kosovo” independence in 2008, incited and encouraged the Albanian political elites to act in accordance with the Prizren League Declaration from 1878 so as to undertake intensified measures for the establishment of Great Albania, which in line with the Albanian strategic culture would foster the principles of fascist ideology: “One state, one language, one nation, one religion.” To prove that such an ideology is conducted in the territory of Kosovo and Metohija, we mention several facts reflected in the violence committed daily towards Serbian and other, non-Albanian population, along with their properties, cultural and religious bulidings, which has led to a shift in national structure and systematic destruction of Serbian cultural heritage. The subject matter of this paper covers the wider context of the expressed interests of Turkey and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland (hereinafter: Great Britain) in contemporary security circumstances, characterised by the presence of hybrid threats with focus on the Autonomous Province of Kosovo and Metohija (hereinafter: AP KiM) within the security agenda of these powers.

This article explores the evolution of Russia's strategic deterrence concept from the Cold War era to the current conflict in Ukraine. The primary goal is to analyse how Russia's nuclear and military doctrines have transformed and how deterrence has become a multidimensional instrument of national security. By applying content and comparative analysis methods, the paper contrasts the Russian approach with the Western (primarily American) paradigm. The findings reveal that Russia's deterrence model has expanded significantly, incorporating not only nuclear and conventional capabilities, but also cyber, economic, and ideological tools. The study concludes that deterrence in the Russian context surpasses traditional defensive purposes and becomes an active element of power projection in a complex global security environment.

This paper explores and reflects on the role of local self-government in the concept of total defense. It is assumed that effective organization, coordination and engagement of the local community is key to a successful system of total defense. Through the analysis of best practices from different communities, the paper offers recommendations for improving the role of local self-government in this domain. The paper aims to contribute to the understanding and strengthening of the role of local self-government in an effective system of total defense, creating a safe and resilient environment for all citizens. The implications of the results of this research can significantly influence the policy and practice of governance at the local level, as well as the broader security strategies of national and international governments.

This paper examines a broader context of the expressed interests of certain foreign factors in contemporary security circumstances, characterised by the presence of hybrid threats, aiming to observe the position and relevance of the Autonomous Province of Kosovo and Metohija (AP of Kosovo and Metohija) within the security agenda of these forces. The purpose of the analysis is the improvement of the methodological approach to a more objective perception and strategic comprehension of the activities and intentions, as well as the accentuation of the significance attributed by the great powers to that territory within the context of other areas and issues where their interests are confronted. The paper analyzes the interests of the United States (US) as the main foreign policy actor in KiM, as well as the interests of certain great and regional powers with a longer presence in the Balkan region, such as the Russian Federation (RF), the Federal Republic of Germany, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland (UK), and the Republic of Turkey. In order to pursue their own interests and project influence, foreign factors have been undertaking a whole array of diverse measures and activities that are in our contemporary analyses in the field of defence and security often called hybrid warfare, therefore this paper provides a brief review of the hybrid warfare concept through the evaluation of prominent questions and responses, graded as relevant to the decisionmaking authorities on the strategic level, along with the description of the specific hybrid activities performed by certain para-security structures*1 and foreign factors in the case of the AP of Kosovo and Metohia.

The policy of military neutrality is one of the fundamental principles of the contemporary foreign and security policy of the Republic of Serbia. In the era of artificial intelligence, this concept gains a new dimension, technological neutrality as a condition for strategic autonomy. The development and application of artificial intelligence not only affect military capabilities, but also shape power relations, economic dependence and cognitive control within the global system. In such a context, the issue of neutrality no longer refers exclusively to military alliances, but to the ability of a state to manage its own digital sovereignty and maintain a balance between different technological spheres of influence. Military alliances can and should be considered in the context of neutrality, but not as membership, but as a reference framework of strategic orientation and limitations. The paper starts from the assumption that artificial intelligence is becoming an important factor in defining new forms of strategic dependence and resilience. Serbia, positioned between Western and Eastern technological systems, faces the challenge of extending its neutrality into the domain of algorithmic policy and digital infrastructure. Instead of bloc alignment, artificial intelligence can become an instrument of intelligent balancing, a means by which the state strengthens its own analytical, communication and security capacities, while maintaining control over data and processes of national importance. In conclusion, the paper proposes the concept of "intelligent neutrality", which implies the integration of the principles of digital sovereignty, ethical responsibility and technological independence of Serbia. This model can serve as a theoretical and practical basis for the development of a new type of neutrality in the digital era, a neutrality that does not rest on isolation, but on the active control of algorithmic power flows. Serbia thus has the opportunity to become an example of an adaptive state that not only resists the influences of great powers, but also shapes its own digital identity within a multipolar order.