Andreas Goldthau

Global change poses “wicked problems” that have become ever more complex, pervasive, and damaging. Developing innovative solutions increasingly require diverse research approaches. The Franco-German Make Our Planet Great Again (MOPGA) program was designed to create a unique international network of top-level research, from fundamental to solution-oriented projects. MOPGA stands out from other large research initiatives by focusing not on a singular central research challenge but on facilitating multidisciplinary interactions between traditionally separated fields. MOPGA recognized that social, natural and engineering sciences share a unifying aim to address global change. In addition to addressing timely and innovative research questions within disciplines, MOPGA worked to improve communication across disciplines via annual meetings for all laureates and their research groups, scientific board exchanges, and public online seminars. Drawing on our MOPGA experiences, we discuss how such exchanges should be extended to meet the needs identified by the scientific community, international policy-makers, and regional stakeholders. In the current political landscape of scientific suppression and heightened mistrust in scientific expertise, the need for such bold, independent and collaborative scientific initiatives is greater than ever.

The European Commission’s REPowerEU plan set the target of importing 10 million tonnes of ‘green’ hydrogen into the European Union (EU) by 2030. Against this backdrop, this paper sets out to assess a central question: which countries can be identified as suitable partners for European green hydrogen imports? Using Germany as a reference case, the article develops a quantitative sustainability and governance index (SGI), assessing five dimensions identified as central to ranking external partners: (i) the political will to scale up a green hydrogen sector; (ii) a country’s integration with the EU/Germany; (iii) its commitment to international engagement and climate targets and policies; (iv) environmental regulatory effectiveness; and, (v) its governance performance. With this, the SGI offers a novel way of thinking about potential EU green hydrogen partnerships. Rather than focusing on the geography of renewables or cost structures underpinning a country’s export potential, the present index captures the extent to which countries may be suitable for green hydrogen partnerships if judged by political and environmental factors. The empirical analysis suggests significant differences between a total of 113 assessed countries as per their overall index ranking, but also the individual dimensions composing the index. This allows drawing conclusions on the policy focus of potential partnerships, taking choices when facing trade-offs regarding individual dimensions, and prioritizing among the latter.

The transition toward renewables is central to climate action. The paper empirically tests whether renewables also enhance international peace, a hypothesis discussed in the International Political Economy (IPE) of renewables literature. It develops and tests hypotheses about the pacifying effects of renewables, with a view to establishing the foundations for analyzing more detailed causal mechanisms. These mechanisms rest on the ‘energy democracy’ debate, suggesting that a low carbon world sees less interstate tension thanks to more states being democratic; the ‘capitalist peace’ theorem, establishing that the deployment of renewables brings about economic development, reducing conflict; and the human security literature, positing that renewables reduce local-level reduce vulnerabilities, thus enhancing social stability and reducing violence. Using a longitudinal dataset on global renewable energy investment, econometric tests suggest that distributed renewable energy systems do not seem to foster democratic rule, nor do they have a significant influence on human development. Countering the energy democracy literature, it is a higher concentration of renewable investment that tends to increase stability/ absence of violence and human development, instead of decentralized investment patterns. We find no evidence for the ‘peace through prosperity’ argument. Overall, there is no support for the assumption that renewables bring about peace and reduce conflict. The paper critically discusses the limitations of these findings and suggests further avenues for empirical research.