Wilfred Uunk

1. Women’s representation in STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics) fields of study and occupation varies across countries (cf. Charles and Bradley 2009). In some fields, such as ...

The social science literature surprisingly found that gender differences in the choice of and preference for science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) study majors are larger in more gender‐equal and affluent countries. This phenomenon is known as the Gender‐Equality Paradox (GEP). Some scholars attributed GEP regarding students' mathematics intentions entirely to gender stereotypes, particularly the stereotype that “math is not for girls”. In this study, I reassess the finding that gender stereotypes can explain GEP because (a) the stereotype measure was not independently assessed from the prime respondents, overestimating the stereotype effect, (b) gender‐STEM stereotypes may not associate with gender equality and societal affluence, and (c) the effect of gender‐STEM stereotypes on gendered mathematics intentions may decrease with societal affluence. Multilevel analyses of data from the Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) 2012 support my suggestions. A measure of gender‐science stereotypes independently assessed from PISA—the Implicit Association Test—cannot satisfactorily account for GEP regarding students' mathematics intentions. The reasons are a weak association between gender‐science stereotypes and societal affluence/gender equality, an only partially significant effect of these stereotypes on the gender gap in mathematics intentions, and a normative effect that decreases with societal affluence. Therefore, GEP remains a puzzling issue that warrants further investigation.

Despite the importance of subject choice for later education and the occupational career, we know little about the development of girls’ and boys’ mathematics and language performance during their secondary education. This paper aims to fill this gap and describes the gender-specific development of mathematics and language performance—in terms of grades and test scores—in lower secondary education in Germany, using longitudinal data from the National Educational Panel Study (NEPS) for Grades 5 to 9. Regarding this development, there exist differing and sometimes opposing hypotheses. On the one hand, scholars suggest that gender differences in mathematics and language performance increase during lower secondary education as competencies, self-concepts, learning effort, and motivation interact, and girls and boys specialize in anticipation of future study choices. On the other hand, scholars expect that the gender gap in mathematics performance is narrowing because of a ceiling effect of performance, girls’ greater learning effort, and boys’ greater susceptibility to negative peer influencing. Our fixed effects regression analyses show that mathematics and German grades deteriorate during early secondary school, especially mathematics grades in the academic track. Because the decline in grades is stronger for boys than for girls, the gender gap in mathematics grades (boys do better) decreases and the gender gap in German grades (girls do better) increases. However, boys’ and girls’ mathematics and reading competencies increase in lower secondary education, and the gender gaps in competencies hardly change. We speculate that the changes in grades may be due to girls’ greater engagement in school, negative peer influence among boys, and the increasing complexity of mathematics in the academic track.

Recent decades have seen major changes in the educational profiles of the populations of Western industrialised countries, notably a sharp rise in educational attainment and a reversal of the gender gap in education. These trends are likely to have affected patterns of educational assortative mating and its consequences. In this editorial, we first review the empirical evidence on educational assortative mating patterns over the last two decades. Specifically, we examine whether educational homogamy has increased among the highly educated, whether women are now less likely to marry upward across cohorts, and whether the rates of relative educational homogamy in populations have increased. We also examine the factors that explain trends and cross-country differences in educational homogamy. Second, we review the consequences of educational homogamy for several important social outcomes, in particular partnership stability and union dissolution, fertility, and children’s educational attainment. Is educational homogamy increasingly affecting these outcomes, and if so, in what ways and why? Third, we identify research gaps regarding educational assortative mating and its consequences. The six empirical studies in this special issue attempt to fill some of these gaps. We briefly outline these studies and their main findings and point to implications for future research. * This editorial has been peer reviewed.

Across the globe, women choose science, technology, engineering, and mathematics majors (STEM) less often than men. One frequently suggested explanation of this gender gap is that women perform less well in math and better in language than men in secondary school and have a comparative advantage in language. Studies for the Anglo-Saxon context have only found weak support for this school performance explanation due to small gender differences in math performance and comparative (math-to-language) grade advantages and weak effects of comparative test advantages on STEM major choice. We aim to contribute to the literature by assessing the role of math and language competencies and grades in explaining the gender gap in STEM major choice for Germany, a country with considerable gender differences in math and language performance. Decomposition analyses of the gender gap in STEM major choice in higher tertiary education among upper secondary students from the German National Educational Panel Study show that math and language performance can explain nearly half of the gender gap in STEM major choice. The role of math competencies and grades in the German language proves especially important due to substantial gender differences herein and strong effects on the likelihood of STEM declaration. Our findings suggest that in contexts with strong gender differences in math and language performance, prior school performance can to a large extent explain women’s underrepresentation in STEM university majors.

Across the globe, women choose science, technology, engineering, and mathematics majors (STEM) less often than men. One frequently suggested explanation of this gender gap is that women perform less well in math and better in language than men in secondary school and have a comparative advantage in language. Studies for the Anglo-Saxon context have only found weak support for this school performance explanation due to small gender differences in math performance and comparative (math-to-language) grade advantages and weak effects of comparative test advantages on STEM major choice. We aim to contribute to the literature by assessing the role of math and language competencies and grades in explaining the gender gap in STEM major choice for Germany, a country with considerable gender differences in math and language performance. Decomposition analyses of the gender gap in STEM major choice in higher tertiary education among upper secondary students from the German National Educational Panel Study show that math and language performance can explain nearly half of the gender gap in STEM major choice. The role of math competencies and grades in the German language proves especially important due to substantial gender differences herein and strong effects on the likelihood of STEM declaration. Our findings suggest that in contexts with strong gender differences in math and language performance, prior school performance can to a large extent explain women’s underrepresentation in STEM university majors.

The extent of educational homogamy has important consequences for social inequalities and social cohesion. However, little is known about current trends, cross-national differences, and the drivers of educational homogamy in Europe. This study aims to fill this gap by (a) describing trends in absolute educational homogamy (i.e., the share of similarly educated partners) and relative educational homogamy (i.e., homogamy corrected for the distribution of spouses’ education) for European countries; and (b) examining the association between a population’s educational composition and the level of absolute and relative educational homogamy. Given the large changes in the educational composition of European populations and the presumed consequences for absolute and relative educational homogamy, this focus on educational composition is warranted. Our aggregate-level regression analyses covering 36 countries and five birth cohorts (1940-1989) from the European Social Survey show that absolute and relative educational homogamy has not changed. However, this obscures variation by education group and country. We find that the extent of absolute educational homogamy in a country cohort is strongly associated with educational composition and observe statistical effects of educational expansion (positive for the higher educated), educational heterogeneity (negative), educational gender symmetry (positive), educational income inequality (positive), and educational reproduction (positive). Relative educational homogamy is only weakly associated with a population’s educational composition, and its effects are confined to gender symmetry (positive) and educational reproduction (positive). Our findings suggest that changes in educational composition in Europe affect educational homogamy in various directions and indicate that these effects come from structural opportunities rather than changing preferences for educational homogamy. * This article belongs to a special issue on “Changes in Educational Homogamy and Its Consequences”.

Starting at the earliest phase in the educational career, our analyses show that there are already gender differences in mathematical competencies at early preschool age, but against the usual expectations, in favour of girls. In primary school, the early gender-specific differences are then reinforced: Boys perform better in mathematics and girls in German language. Nevertheless, these relative advantages in each domain compensate for each other, so there are no significant differences in the overall performance. Concerning the transition from secondary school to vocational training or higher education there was some evidence from the data that among graduates, young women tend to opt more often for vocational training than young men, whereas the men more often choose to study at universities for applied science than women. We did not find gender differences regarding university entry: Women do not aim lower with respect to university entry at similar grades than boys.Finally, our results show the important role of mothers in shaping the level of education of their daughters. In summary, based on our analyses the expected cumulative differences among boys and girls and men and women over the life course appear to be in accordance with the so-called Matthew effect hypothesis: Small gender differences at preschool age are getting bigger over the school career, not so much with regard to competence trajectories but with regard to the chosen subjects in schools and fields of study at vocational training and tertiary education.

The start and end of a romantic relationship are associated with substantial changes in life satisfaction. Yet, whether Big Five personality traits moderate these relationship transition effects is hardly known. Such knowledge helps to understand individual variation in relationship transition effects and provides the possibility to further test the stress and social support explanations of these effects. Our fixed effects regressions on 28 waves of the German Socio-Economic Panel 1991-2018 show that Big Five traits moderate the effects of relationship transitions on life satisfaction to a limited extent. More neurotic men display a more negative effect of separation, and more neurotic and more agreeable women reveal a more negative effect of widowhood on life satisfaction. Big Five traits do not moderate the effect of the start of cohabitation on life satisfaction. Our findings support the stress perspective of relationship transition effects most and identify emotionally unstable individuals as a particularly vulnerable group.

We study gender differences in the selection of traditional universities versus universities of applied sciences in Germany. Do women, due to life and job goals, less often enrol than men in traditional universities and more often enrol at the more practice- and profession-oriented universities of applied sciences? Or are women overrepresented at traditional universities due to prior educational choices and outcomes such as higher school grades and more frequent choice of non-technical fields of study? Our analyses on a national sample of 1st-year students report a 14-percentage point higher likelihood of women than men to enter traditional universities. This gender gap can almost entirely be attributed to educational factors, specifically women’s less frequent choice of engineering majors, and hardly by job goal preferences. That, net of these factors, no gender difference exists indicates that women in Germany do not aim lower or higher than men as to the institution choice.