Carl Middleton
Current Organizations / Institutes
The organizations/institutes from the scholar's latest article
Carl Middleton has a total of 29 co-authors. Here are the top co-authors by number of shared publications:
- David Taylor
Department of Geography National University of Singapore Singapore
2 shared publications - Eaindra Theint Theint Thu
Environment, Development and Sustainability Program, Graduate School, Chulalongkorn University, Bangkok, Thailand
2 shared publications - Naw Pe The Law
University of Copenhagen, Denmark
2 shared publications Orapan Pratomlek
2 shared publications- Takeshi Ito
Sophia University
2 shared publications - Vanessa Lamb
Department of Social Science York University Toronto Canada
2 shared publications
Latest Publications
- 9 July 2026
- Published by Taylor & Francis in Globalizations
- p. 1-21
Environmental offshoring as disaster governance: a new fix in the age of the Capitalocene
Nothing undermines sustainable development like disasters … . Progress on disaster risk reduction must be urgently prioritized as a precondition for sustainable development. – António Guterres, Uni...
- 9 July 2026
- Published by Taylor & Francis in Globalizations
- p. 1-21
Environmental offshoring as disaster governance: a new fix in the age of the Capitalocene
Nothing undermines sustainable development like disasters … . Progress on disaster risk reduction must be urgently prioritized as a precondition for sustainable development. – António Guterres, Uni...
- Open Access
- 11 February 2026
- Published by SAGE Publications in Gender & Society
- Vol. 40 (1) , 38-67
A Critical Sister: Public Authority and the Role and Position of the Karen Women’s Organisation, Myanmar
The role of women’s organizations in producing public authority, and, conversely, the role of public authority in (re)producing gender norms, is often overlooked. Drawing on the case of the Karen Women’s Organisation (KWO) serving the Karen National Union (KNU) and the Karen people in Myanmar, we aim to understand how the gendered work of women’s organizations and women are included and excluded, as well as recognized and invisibilized, in the performance of public authority. We demonstrate that KWO acts as a critical sister, playing a vital role in co-producing KNU’s legitimacy through public service provision and revolutionary support, while simultaneously walking a fine line by criticizing the dominant patriarchal norms. At the same time, reflecting wider societal gender power structures, KWO’s work is often invisibilized in a male-dominated organization, and women remain excluded from key areas of public authority, including high-level decision-making and land and forest governance. We argue that these exclusions and invisibilizations reproduce masculine domination in the exercise of public authority and affect gender inequality in Karen society. Such findings underscore the importance of acknowledging the significant contributions of women’s organizations in producing public authority to challenge patriarchal norms and to more firmly center gender within future research on public authority.
- 11 February 2026
- Published by SAGE Publications in Gender & Society
- Vol. 40 (1) , 38-67
Open AccessA Critical Sister: Public Authority and the Role and Position of the Karen Women’s Organisation, Myanmar
The role of women’s organizations in producing public authority, and, conversely, the role of public authority in (re)producing gender norms, is often overlooked. Drawing on the case of the Karen Women’s Organisation (KWO) serving the Karen National Union (KNU) and the Karen people in Myanmar, we aim to understand how the gendered work of women’s organizations and women are included and excluded, as well as recognized and invisibilized, in the performance of public authority. We demonstrate that KWO acts as a critical sister, playing a vital role in co-producing KNU’s legitimacy through public service provision and revolutionary support, while simultaneously walking a fine line by criticizing the dominant patriarchal norms. At the same time, reflecting wider societal gender power structures, KWO’s work is often invisibilized in a male-dominated organization, and women remain excluded from key areas of public authority, including high-level decision-making and land and forest governance. We argue that these exclusions and invisibilizations reproduce masculine domination in the exercise of public authority and affect gender inequality in Karen society. Such findings underscore the importance of acknowledging the significant contributions of women’s organizations in producing public authority to challenge patriarchal norms and to more firmly center gender within future research on public authority.
- 1 January 2026
- Published by University of Arizona in Journal of Political Ecology
- Vol. 33 (1)
Territorialization-from-below: Community-rooted strategies towards public authority in Kamoethway, Myanmar
- 1 January 2026
- Published by University of Arizona in Journal of Political Ecology
- Vol. 33 (1)
Territorialization-from-below: Community-rooted strategies towards public authority in Kamoethway, Myanmar
- 24 December 2024
- Published by Elsevier in Journal of Rural Studies
- Vol. 114
(Re)enclosure, structural violence and commoning in marine fisheries in the Gulf of Mottama, Myanmar
- 24 December 2024
- Published by Elsevier in Journal of Rural Studies
- Vol. 114
(Re)enclosure, structural violence and commoning in marine fisheries in the Gulf of Mottama, Myanmar
- 22 April 2024
- Published by Taylor & Francis in Society & Natural Resources
- Vol. 37 (9) , 1253-1272
The Robustness of Common-Pool Resource Governance in the Gulf of Mottama Ramsar Wetland, Myanmar under Pre- and Post-Political Crisis Conditions
- 22 April 2024
- Published by Taylor & Francis in Society & Natural Resources
- Vol. 37 (9) , 1253-1272
The Robustness of Common-Pool Resource Governance in the Gulf of Mottama Ramsar Wetland, Myanmar under Pre- and Post-Political Crisis Conditions
- 16 October 2021
- Published by Springer Nature in Environment, Development and Sustainability
- Vol. 24 (9) , 10975-10996
Higher education institutions, SDG2 and agri-food sustainability: lessons from Chulalongkorn University and Thailand
This paper examines higher education efforts linking United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (UNSDGs) and agri-food system sustainability given reports of stagnant movement for SDG2 in Southeast Asia and lack of data for effective monitoring or evaluation to realize the 2030 Agenda. It discusses Thai contexts amid a growing global movement in academic theory, policy and practice to mainstream SDG knowledge and implementation across campuses presenting one case to illustrate broader concerns. Chulalongkorn University policies, faculty awareness, curricula, research, sustainability reporting and partnerships about SDGs have contributed to SDG2 objectives from different disciplines and academic units. However, some faculty still lack understanding of SDGs generally while SDG2 has not been an institutional priority. The university has made welcome progress since a 2017 policy promoting SDGs but still needs to strengthen SDG2 data collection, teaching, research and community outreach capacities including links to government and international reporting to address complex agri-food system sustainability challenges. Comparative studies could also help while critically debating SDG deficiencies and promoting socioeconomic, ecological, agri-food system, community and campus sustainability.
- 16 October 2021
- Published by Springer Nature in Environment, Development and Sustainability
- Vol. 24 (9) , 10975-10996
Higher education institutions, SDG2 and agri-food sustainability: lessons from Chulalongkorn University and Thailand
This paper examines higher education efforts linking United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (UNSDGs) and agri-food system sustainability given reports of stagnant movement for SDG2 in Southeast Asia and lack of data for effective monitoring or evaluation to realize the 2030 Agenda. It discusses Thai contexts amid a growing global movement in academic theory, policy and practice to mainstream SDG knowledge and implementation across campuses presenting one case to illustrate broader concerns. Chulalongkorn University policies, faculty awareness, curricula, research, sustainability reporting and partnerships about SDGs have contributed to SDG2 objectives from different disciplines and academic units. However, some faculty still lack understanding of SDGs generally while SDG2 has not been an institutional priority. The university has made welcome progress since a 2017 policy promoting SDGs but still needs to strengthen SDG2 data collection, teaching, research and community outreach capacities including links to government and international reporting to address complex agri-food system sustainability challenges. Comparative studies could also help while critically debating SDG deficiencies and promoting socioeconomic, ecological, agri-food system, community and campus sustainability.
- 20 April 2021
- Published by Cambridge University Press (CUP) in TRaNS: Trans-Regional and -National Studies of Southeast Asia
- Vol. 9 (1) , 45-64
The Emergence of a Hybrid Public Sphere in Myanmar: Implications for Democratisation
Myanmar was under a military government for almost six decades, during which time the state maintained an ‘authoritarian public sphere’ that limited independent civil society, mass media and the population's access to information. In 2010, Myanmar held flawed elections that installed a semi-civilian government and established a hybrid governance regime, within which civil, political and media freedoms expanded while the military's influence remained significant. In this paper, we examine ‘hybrid governance at work’ in the ‘hybrid public sphere’, that holds in tension elements of an authoritarian and democratic public sphere. The boundaries of these spheres are demarcated through legal means, including the 2008 military-created Constitution, associated judicial and administrative state structures and the actions of civil society and community movements toward political, military and bureaucratic elite actors. We develop our analysis first through an assessment of Myanmar's political transition at the national level and, then, in an empirical case of subnational politics in Dawei City regarding the planning of the electricity supply. We suggest that the hybrid public sphere enables discourses—associated with authoritarian popularist politics in Myanmar—that build legitimacy amongst the majority while limiting the circulation of critical discourses of marginalized groups and others challenging government policies. We conclude that for substantive democracy to deepen in Myanmar, civil society and media must actively reinforce the opportunity to produce and circulate critical discourse while also facilitating inclusive debates and consolidating legislated civil, political and media freedoms. On 1 February 2021, shortly after this article was finalized, a military coup d’état detained elected leaders and contracted the post-2010 hybrid public sphere, including constraining access to information via control of the internet and mass media and severely limiting civil and political rights.
- 20 April 2021
- Published by Cambridge University Press (CUP) in TRaNS: Trans-Regional and -National Studies of Southeast Asia
- Vol. 9 (1) , 45-64
The Emergence of a Hybrid Public Sphere in Myanmar: Implications for Democratisation
Myanmar was under a military government for almost six decades, during which time the state maintained an ‘authoritarian public sphere’ that limited independent civil society, mass media and the population's access to information. In 2010, Myanmar held flawed elections that installed a semi-civilian government and established a hybrid governance regime, within which civil, political and media freedoms expanded while the military's influence remained significant. In this paper, we examine ‘hybrid governance at work’ in the ‘hybrid public sphere’, that holds in tension elements of an authoritarian and democratic public sphere. The boundaries of these spheres are demarcated through legal means, including the 2008 military-created Constitution, associated judicial and administrative state structures and the actions of civil society and community movements toward political, military and bureaucratic elite actors. We develop our analysis first through an assessment of Myanmar's political transition at the national level and, then, in an empirical case of subnational politics in Dawei City regarding the planning of the electricity supply. We suggest that the hybrid public sphere enables discourses—associated with authoritarian popularist politics in Myanmar—that build legitimacy amongst the majority while limiting the circulation of critical discourses of marginalized groups and others challenging government policies. We conclude that for substantive democracy to deepen in Myanmar, civil society and media must actively reinforce the opportunity to produce and circulate critical discourse while also facilitating inclusive debates and consolidating legislated civil, political and media freedoms. On 1 February 2021, shortly after this article was finalized, a military coup d’état detained elected leaders and contracted the post-2010 hybrid public sphere, including constraining access to information via control of the internet and mass media and severely limiting civil and political rights.
- Open Access
- 1 January 2021
- Published by Resilience Alliance, Inc. in Ecology and Society
- Vol. 26 (3)
Hydrosocial rupture: causes and consequences for transboundary governance
Miller, M. A., Alfajri, R. Astuti, C. Grundy-Warr, C. Middleton, Z. D. Tan, and D. M. Taylor. 2021. Hydrosocial rupture: causes and consequences for transboundary governance. Ecology and Society 26(3):21. https://doi.org/10.5751/ES-12545-260321
- 1 January 2021
- Published by Resilience Alliance, Inc. in Ecology and Society
- Vol. 26 (3)
Open AccessHydrosocial rupture: causes and consequences for transboundary governance
Miller, M. A., Alfajri, R. Astuti, C. Grundy-Warr, C. Middleton, Z. D. Tan, and D. M. Taylor. 2021. Hydrosocial rupture: causes and consequences for transboundary governance. Ecology and Society 26(3):21. https://doi.org/10.5751/ES-12545-260321