Catherine A. Taylor

This study was part of a longitudinal follow‐up of a 3‐armed randomized controlled trial designed to test the effects of two brief parenting interventions, Play Nicely (PN) and Triple P‐Level 2 (TP2), to a usual care control on parenting outcomes. Female caregivers with an identified index child ( M _age = 3.7 years, standard deviation [SD] = 1.7) were recruited through women, infants, and children (WIC) clinics in the greater New Orleans region. At a long‐term ( M _years = 5 years, SD = 0.9) follow‐up assessment, respiratory sinus arrhythmia (RSA) was assessed for a subset of these mother–child dyads during three dyadic interaction tasks: a baseline video, an affiliative discussion task, and an active cooperation task. Children displayed a significant decrease in RSA from the baseline video to the affiliative discussion task, whereas mothers displayed a significant decrease in RSA from the discussion task to the active cooperation task. Although no main intervention effects were found, differing patterns of child RSA in intervention groups were observed when accounting for time since intervention. Compared to the control group, children in the TP2 group exhibited relatively stable patterns of RSA, whereas children in the PN group exhibited RSA levels that decreased as time since intervention increased. These divergent patterns may reflect fundamental differences in the developmental scope of the two interventions. Together, these findings suggest that brief parenting interventions may differentially influence the stability of children's autonomic regulation during interactions with their caregiver, depending on their developmental focus and timing of delivery.

The goal of this study was to determine if parents view spanking as a form of hitting and view hitting children as more acceptable than hitting other family members, including dogs. Parents of children 0–8 years of age from across the United States (N = 286; 85% White; 56% women) were recruited through Prolific to participate in an online survey. Although 90% of parents agreed with a definition of spanking that included the word “hitting” and 33% used the term “hitting” in their definitions of spanking, parents also rated spanking as less severe than hitting. The percentage of participants who agreed that it is acceptable for parents to hit children (30%) was significantly higher than the percentage that reported it was acceptable to hit other family members (dog, 17%; wife, 1%; parent with Alzheimer’s, 0%; Tukey tests, p < .001). Nearly a third of parents reported that completing the survey had changed their beliefs about spanking. This study demonstrated that American parents hold inconsistent beliefs about hitting children, including a judgment that it is more acceptable to hit a child than to hit a dog. These results exemplify the need for systemic parent education and policy interventions to bring children’s human rights to live free from family violence in line with the recognized rights of adults.