Richard Hammersley

Maladaptive schema modes may mediate between trauma and disordered eating, however there is little relevant evidence. This study aimed to predict disordered eating from modes, trauma, and age and gender. Also, to re-examine the factor structure of the Schema Mode Inventory for Eating Disorders, using an online cross-sectional survey of 612 volunteer participants aged 18 to 65, recruited from online eating disorder support groups, including people with and without diagnosed eating disorders. Measures were sociodemographic variables, the Schema Mode Inventory for Eating Disorders (Short Form; SMI-ED-SF), the Eating Disorder Examination Questionnaire (EDE-Q), and the Trauma History Questionnaire (THQ). Confirmatory factor analysis produced 16 factors similar to the 16 modes. Differences were that Vulnerable Child, Happy Child, and Healthy Adult appeared as a one factor, that all ED items appeared as one factor, and that Bully & Attack and Self-Aggrandizer modes appeared combined. In stepwise linear regression, EDE-Q scores was predicted by Total maladaptive mode score (37.3% of variance), Total adaptive mode score (1.5%) variance, Vulnerable Child (2.8%), Detached Self-Soother (1.5%). Other modes accounted for 1% or less of variance. Schema modes predicted EDE-Q, but the stable existence of discrete persona-like modes was less clear. Further research should refine the structure of SMI-ED-SF and relate modes to interpersonal traumas.

This paper reports qualitative data about violence and trauma amongst drug injectors in Scotland, collected using a life story method with 55 drug injectors currently in recovery. It focusses on different types of violence and trauma that occurred whilst using drugs. Stories told of very severe and repeated traumas often involving extreme violence. One motive for escalating and continuing drug use was avoidant coping to deaden the emotions and thoughts regarding these traumas. Many traumas were due partly to the criminal drug milieu, so respondents were in a vicious cycle of using opiates and other sedative drugs to cope with the consequences of being involved in a lifestyle of using, supplying and obtaining illegal sedative drugs. Drugs were used as a dynamic method of self-medication or avoidant coping to cope with life in a criminal milieu. Traumatic events were more often described as worsening the lifestyle than as being motives for quitting. Amongst the traumas recounted were many incidents of extreme violence. Using drugs to block the psychological effects of such traumas may help explain why people persist using opiates despite experiencing evident serious harms. Interventions need to recognise this, be trauma-aware and appreciate that violence and trauma have severe adverse effects on drug injectors even when they are themselves hardened and violent.

Objective. Cannabis use predicts psychosis in longitudinal studies, but it is difficult to infer causation. Some precursor variables predict both, including childhood trauma and adversity. Additionally, some of the desired effects of cannabis use resemble the symptoms of psychosis. It would be preferable to assess psychotomimetic or unusual experiences that include psychotic symptoms but without assuming pathology. Finally, it is possible that similar people are prone to psychosis and drawn to cannabis use, perhaps, because they are sensitive or attracted to unusual experiences. Schizotypy provides a trait measure of proneness to unusual experiences. The study aimed to examine cross-sectionally relationships between cannabis use, schizotypy, and unusual experiences whilst controlling for current trauma symptoms. Method. A volunteer online sample (n=129, 64 women, predominantly students) who had used cannabis at least once was recruited. People who reported active effects of past trauma were excluded with a brief primary care posttraumatic stress disorder screen. Participants completed the Oxford-Liverpool Inventory of Feelings and Experience, the Cognitive Failures Questionnaire, and measures of substance use and sociodemographics. Results. The majority of respondents recounted unusual experiences after cannabis use, and many of these might have been considered symptoms of psychosis if they had received medical attention. In regression analysis, the only predictor of the unusual experiences scale of O-LIFE was schizotypy (measured by the remaining subscales; 4 of variance). There were no correlations between cannabis use frequency and schizotypy or unusual experiences. Conclusions. These findings suggest that, after controlling for schizotypy and excluding people who are actively experiencing the effects of past trauma, frequency of cannabis use does not predict unusual experiences. However, individuals with schizotypal personality traits may have more unusual experiences when using cannabis.

Constraint theory (Hammersley, 2014) offers a novel way of understanding addiction as a lack of cognitive, behavioural, and social constraints on substance use. Here, cannabis constraints were studied in a large online opportunity sample: N=302; 205 men, 97 women. Age ranged from 14 to 60 years (mean=25, SD=8.0). Most participants were from UK or North America. Participants completed a questionnaire assessing 15 cannabis constraints and standard self-report frequency measures of drug use. Factor analysis of the constraint questionnaire found 15 factors, similar to those proposed theoretically. These factors could discriminate well between past and current users and heavy and light users. The best discriminator was concerns about the possibility of becoming addicted; the less concerned the heavier was use, although those who actually felt addicted were more concerned than others. Past users also constrained due to using legal highs instead, concerns about illegality, and using only when others used. Light users constrained due to availability and cost issues, as well as unpleasant effects. These findings suggest that there is utility in constraint theory and that heavy use occurs due to a relative lack of constraints.

This paper examines the strategies that ex-heavy users of MDMA employed to quit, control, or cut down MDMA use. It uses data from an online qualitative study of the life stories of ex-heavy MDMA users, taking a harm reduction perspective, rather than focusing on the pharmaceutical and problematic aspects of MDMA use. The research applied a mixed-methods approach using an online survey containing open-ended questions directed at self-identified ex-heavy users of MDMA. Participants were 104 ex-heavy users. The relevant data centered around three main themes: ex-users’ stories of quitting/cutting down MDMA, advice for taking MDMA safely, and advice for quitting or cutting down MDMA. Although stopping or cutting down MDMA use was generally described as a natural process over time, ex-users also employed several strategies to quit or cut down MDMA use, including conscious lifestyle changes and distancing themselves from the associated scenes and people. Participants’ advice on taking MDMA safely involved considering the drug, the mind-set, the social and physical environment and ensuring hydration. These data suggest that from ex-heavy users’ perspectives, management of MDMA use is conceptualized as a deliberate and thoughtful process of which most users are in control, rather than a matter of being dependent upon or overpowered by a drug, so harm reduction and other interventions should be structured accordingly.

Aim: To document childhood trauma in the life stories of people who have injected drugs. Method: Fifty-five participants (38 m, 17 f) recruited via Scottish recovery networks, who had injected drugs in the previous five years, were interviewed by peer researchers using the Life Story method. Results: Remembered childhood trauma included persistent violence, repeated sexual abuse, neglect and traumatic bereavements. Many traumas were related to adult alcohol use. Few participants told of no trauma, some of severe trauma contributing to subsequent drug problems, some recounted stories including traumatic events, but not linked to later drug problems. A few told of initial severe behavioural problems leading to trauma for the child and to drug problems. Drug problems followed trauma by various routes, without straightforward cause and effect: direct use of drugs as avoidant coping; juvenile heavy recreational use that escalated; forming relationships in mid to late teens with criminals. For men, this involved enmeshment in drug dealing, crime and prison. Some women formed relationships with men who injected drugs, who often introduced them to drugs, and some of whom were violently abusive. Heroin injecting was an effective means of blotting out distressing thoughts and feelings. Although, childhood stories also contained positive memories, factors that might have promoted resilience were rarely mentioned. Conclusions: Severe childhood trauma was common and gravitated people towards problem drug use via various pathways. Participants had often normalised the problems and did not remember adult help. Parental alcohol use contributed to trauma. Addiction services need to be more trauma minded.