Daniel S. Hamermesh

Intergenerational transmission of inequality is a central question in the social sciences. We use one trait, beauty, to infer how much parents’ physical characteristics transmit inequality across generations. Analyses of a large-scale longitudinal dataset in the United States, and a much smaller dataset of Chinese parents and children, show that increases in parents’ looks are associated with increases in their child’s looks. A large dataset of U.S. siblings shows a positive correlation of their beauty. The appropriate weighted average from the three samples shows that a one SD increase in ratings of both parents’ looks is associated with a 0.25 SD increase in their child’s. Coupling these estimates with those from large literatures measuring the impact of beauty on earnings and the intergenerational elasticity of income suggests that a one SD difference in parents’ looks is correlated with a 0.074 SD difference in their adult child’s earnings, about U.S. $2,170 annually.

We consider how a physical disability alters patterns of time use. A disability may raise the time cost of all activities; of some—making them differentially less worth doing; or it may make switching activities more costly. The first yields no predictions about time use, but the latter two possibilities both predict that fewer activities will be undertaken, with more time spent on each. These explanations describe our findings based on non-working ATUS 2008-22 respondents ages 70+, 32 percent of whom self-assess a disability. Data from the Polish Time Use Survey, where disability is medically certified, show similar results; and they demonstrate the same loss of variety over multiple days. Remarkably similar basic results are found using homogenized British, Canadian, French, Spanish, and Italian time-diaries. Overall, a mobility/physical disability leads an otherwise identical person to engage in over 10 percent fewer activities on a typical day. The lost variety represents extra costs equivalent in data from six countries to over twice the average annual income among older individuals in the country.

The scholarly impact of academic research matters for academic promotions, influence, relevance to public policy, and others. Focusing on writing style in top‐level professional journals, we examine how it changes with age, and how stylistic differences and age affect impact. As top‐level scholars age, their writing style increasingly differs from others'. The impact (measured by citations) of each contribution decreases, due to the direct effect of age and the much smaller indirect effects through style. Authors who grew up outside North America or the United Kingdom write in different styles from others, in ways that reduce the impact of their research. Nobel laureates' scholarly writing evinces less certainty about the conclusions of their research than that of other highly productive scholars.

The authors examine work patterns in the United States from 1973 to 2018, with the novel focus on days per week, using intermittent CPS samples and one ATUS sample. Among full-time workers, the incidence of four-day workweeks tripled, adding 7 million four-day workers. Similar growth occurred in the Netherlands, Germany, and South Korea. The rise was not due to changes in demographics or industrial structure. Such schedules are more common among those who are 1) less educated, 2) younger, 3) white non-Hispanic, 4) men, 5) natives, 6) people with young children, 7) non-unionized, 8) police and firefighters, 9) health care workers, and 10) restaurant workers. Based on an equilibrium model, the authors show that the increase in four-day workweeks results more from workers’ preferences and/or their daily fixed costs of working than production costs. The wage penalty for a four-day workweek is greater when such work is more prevalent, and the penalty has diminished over time.

Using data from the Survey of Health, Ageing and Retirement in Europe (SHARE, 2004–17) and time diaries from Poland (2013), the U.S. (2006–16), the U.K. (2014–15) and France (2009–10), we examine differences between widowed and partnered older women in well-being and its development in widowhood. Most importantly, our analysis accounts for time use, an aspect which has not been studied previously. We trace the evolution of well-being of women who become widowed by comparing them with their matched non-widowed ‘statistical twins’ and examine the role of an exceptionally broad set of potential moderators of widowhood’s impact on well-being. We confirm a dramatic decrease in mental health and life satisfaction after the loss of partner, followed by a slow partial recovery over a 5-year period. An extensive set of controls recorded prior to widowhood, including detailed family ties and social networks, provides little help in explaining the deterioration in well-being. Unique data from time-diaries kept by older women in several European countries and the U.S. tell us why: the key factor behind widows’ reduced well-being is increased time spent alone.