Ana Teresa Pérez-Leroux

This study explored the acquisition of Spanish nominal morphology in 116 children aged 4;0 to 6;11, grouped according to language ability (developmental language disorder [DLD] and typical development [TD]) and bilingualism (Spanish–English bilingual and Spanish monolingual). Monolinguals produced more target-like articles and direct object clitics than bilinguals, as did children with TD compared to peers with DLD. Bilinguals with TD produced more target-like morphology than monolinguals with DLD, particularly clitics. Children with DLD were more likely to omit clitics than peers with TD, but this contrast did not extend to bilinguals compared to monolinguals. Children produced singular default articles in plural contexts. Overall, our results suggest that clitics function better than articles for identifying DLD in bilinguals on quantitative and qualitative grounds.

The processing literature provides some evidence that heritage Spanish speakers process gender like monolinguals, since gender-marking in definite articles facilitates their lexical access to nouns, albeit these effects may be reduced relative to speakers who learned the language as majority language. However, previous studies rely on slowed-down speech, which leaves open the question of how processing occurs under normal conditions. Using naturalistic speech, our study tests bilingual processing of gender in determiners, and in word-final gender vowels. Participants were 17 adult heritage speakers of Spanish (HSSs) and 21 adult Spanish-speaking immigrants (ASIs). We presented these bilinguals with questions containing either a definite article or an unmarked possessive (¿Dónde está la/mi pala? ‘Where is the/my shovel?’) in a three-object display. Gaze fixations were recorded during determiner, noun and post speech processing. Nouns were controlled for gender, morphological transparency, gender alternation, and animacy. Individually, heritage speakers tend to fall within the performance range of adult immigrants, but statistical analyses show that ASIs have more fixations to targets for definite articles compared to HSSs. For HSSs the advantage of gender-marking appears later, during noun processing. In contexts where the noun-final vowels were the only cue to lexical selection, HSS had less looks to targets with alternating nouns, and with feminine nouns. When presented with natural speech, despite the great overlap between adult immigrant and heritage speakers, there are quantitative differences in how HSS process gender both for syntactic agreement (gender in articles) and noun morphophonology.

Our objective is to shed light on recursion through an exploration of the L1 development of four DP structures in English. Since recursion is in narrow syntax, there is no reason to expect asymmetries between constructions but specific formal differences between structures might make acquisition of certain forms more difficult, and there may be differences according to meaning classes. We report a study targeting possessives, comitatives, locatives, and part-whole expressions, each with 2-level embedding. The results reveal statistically significant effects of age and condition, with no interaction. Possessives and comitatives develop earlier than locatives and relatives, and are also more productive for adults. These results help us to delineate the domain of recursion and formulate a credible developmental scenario.

This chapter explores whether contact-induced reduction in the inventory of Spanish unstressed vowels due to contact with English impacts the development of gender morphology and concord in Spanish-English bilinguals, through the comparison of recent findings from narratives elicited from bilingual adults and children born in the US. Final unstressed /a, e, o/ were acoustically analyzed and noun phrases were grammatically analyzed. Adult early bilinguals displayed a large degree of vocalic overlap but were highly accurate in gender. Children showed variability in their patterns of vocalic overlap and in gender accuracy ranging between 66% to 100%. Results do not offer a strong support for the hypothesis of a phonetic contribution to heritage gender divergence and call for refined analyses of the interaction between phonetics and morphosyntax in gender acquisition.

Previous studies disagree as to whether heritage bilinguals demonstrate loss of knowledge of Spanish grammatical gender. As phonetic variability is known to affect the acquisition of certain grammatical markers, we examine whether bilinguals’ gender difficulties relate to bilingual contact-induced phonetic variability, namely, reduction in the inventory of word-final unstressed vowels. We analyzed narratives from children in the United States (n = 49, ages 4–12). All NP s (n = 1415) were analyzed for structure, noun class, and morphology. Word-final vowels were sub-selected for acoustic analyses. Morpho-syntactically, group results show high accuracy with gender (95%), but with wide individual variation (44%–100%). Speakers also show individual variability and substantive numbers of vowel misclassifications (6%–33%) with higher variability for /a/ and /o/. We found bilingual effects in both domains but no association between phonetics and gender accuracy. These findings have implications for the relationship between phonetics and grammar, and for the morphosyntax of Spanish gender.

Languages vary as to what kind of phrasal categories allow recursive iteration of self-same embedding. Children first learn an embedding rule, then must learn whether the rule can apply recursively or not. However, direct experience of recursive embedding is rare in the input. A study of recursive nominal modification in Spanish show children acquire different types of modification (possession, part-whole relations) at different times even if these are expressed with the same preposition de. This suggest that the domain of rule formulation is narrower than syntactic category (PPs) or even lexical particle (de). Bilingual children show delays in acquiring a first level of embedding rule but not in allowing the rule to be recursive. This suggests that learning recursive modification is not sensitive to the concomitant reductions in input in bilingual contexts. I argue that children learn that embedding rules are recursive by inference from the productivity of simple embedding rules. The evidence on the acquisition of recursive nominal modification points to the limitations of the parameter setting model of syntactic development.

Prior studies have examined the association between modifying adjective placement and interpretation in second language (L2) Spanish. These studies show evidence of convergence with native speaker’s intuitions, which is interpreted as restructuring of the underlying grammar. Two issues deserve further study: (i) there are debates on the nature of native speaker’s interpretations; (ii) previous results could be explained by a combination of explicit instruction and access to the first language (L1). The present study re-examines native and non-native intuitions on the interpretation of variable order adjectives in pre-nominal and post-nominal positions, and extends the domain of inquiry by asking if L2 learners have intuitions about the order of two-adjective sequences, which appear in mirror image order in English and Spanish (faded blue pants vs. pantalones azules desteñidos). Two-adjective sequences are rare in the input, not typically taught explicitly, and have a different word order that cannot be [partially] derived from the L1 subgrammar. Two groups of non-native speakers (n = 50) and native speaker controls (n = 15) participated in the study. Participants completed a preference task, testing the interaction between word order and restrictive/non-restrictive interpretation, and an acceptability judgement task, testing ordering intuitions for two-adjective sequences. Results of the preference task show that the majority of speakers, both native and non-native, prefer variable adjectives in a post-nominal position independent of interpretation. Results of the acceptability judgement task indicate that both native and non-native speakers prefer mirror image order. We conclude that these results support underlying grammar reanalysis in L2 speakers and indicate that the semantic distribution of variable adjectives is not fully complementary; rather, the post-nominal position is unmarked, and generally preferred by both native and non-native speakers.

Does bilingual language influence in the domain of phonetics impact the morphosyntactic domain? Spanish gender is encoded by word-final, unstressed vowels (/a e o/), which may diphthongize in word-boundary vowel sequences. English neutralizes unstressed final vowels and separates across-word vocalic sequences. The realization of gender vowels as schwa, due to cross-linguistic influence, may remain undetected if not directly analyzed. To explore the potential over-reporting of gender accuracy, we conducted parallel phonetic and morphosyntactic analyses of read and semi-spontaneous speech produced by 11 Monolingual speakers and 13 Early and 13 Late Spanish-English bilinguals. F1 and F2 values were extracted at five points for all word-final unstressed vowels and vowel sequences. All determiner phrases (DPs) from narratives were coded for morphological and contextual parameters. Early bilinguals exhibited clear patterns of vowel centralization and higher rates of hiatuses than the other groups. However, the morphological analysis yielded very few errors. A follow-up integrated analysis revealed that /a and o/ were realized as centralized vowels, particularly with [+Animate] nouns. We propose that bilinguals’ schwa-like realizations can be over-interpreted as target Spanish vowels. Such variable vowel realization may be a factor in the vulnerability to attrition in gender marking in Spanish as a heritage language.

Sequences of multiple modifying adjectives are subject to poorly understood lexical ordering restrictions. There are certain commonalities to these restrictions across languages, as well as substantive language variation. Ordering restrictions in Spanish are still under empirical debate, with some proposing strict ordering for direct modifier adjectives; others proposing broad ordering restrictions based on the contrast between intersective and non-intersective adjectives, and yet others raising the possibility that adjectival order is fully unrestricted. The goal of the present study is to examine corpus evidence for adjectival sequences. We look at both sequences of two postnominal adjectives (Noun +Adjective + Adjective, NAA sequences) as well as sequences of one prenominal, and one postnominal adjective (Adjective + Noun +Adjective, ANA sequences). The results from the NAA datasets clearly categorically confirms that relational adjectives are structurally closer to the noun. There is some evidence for an ordering bias along the line of the intersectivity hypothesis, but little else in term of hard evidence for restrictions. Additional ordering constraints appear once we incorporate the ANA datasets into the empirical picture. One interpretation is that these restrictions can be subsumed under an approach where evaluative adjectives have to occupy the prenominal restriction. In sum, the evidence is most compatible with the middle ground approach, but not with a fully articulated set of ordering restrictions.