Kjerstin Thorson

The COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated inequalities in the Global South. This study examines how youth groups, known as coletivos , from low-income communities in Brazil used social media platforms during the pandemic to organize themselves. Our analysis focuses on the intersectionality of place and digital activism. Using in-depth interviews and online observation, the findings are analyzed through three lenses: the groups’ understanding of place, how the pandemic affected their place functioning and sense-making (agenda-focused, local-focused, and agenda-local groups), and how this process strengthens the different types of places (ranging from online to physical communities, encompassing local neighborhoods to national level groups). We show a significant variation across groups in the relationship between Internet dependency and place of action. Findings also demonstrate how the groups adapted their collective action toolkit to suit the digital platforms and developed new ones. This study aims to contribute to understanding activism among youth in the Global South.

Gen Zers around the world have grown up and come of age in a period rife with the implications of climate change, heightened right-wing extremism, threats to democracy, and rising inflation. Gen Z has also been characterized by an enhanced awareness of mental health care and body positivity, LGBTQIA+ and the spectrum of gender identity, as well as racial justice, diversity, equity and inclusion. Our previous chapter (Chapter 11) on youth political engagement focused on digital media’s role in shaping engagement modes. In this chapter, we first explore shifts in the basis for civic identity for many young people beginning with the role of socio-economic status and affinity groups. Then we draw attention to skills, online practices, and the definition of political engagement. Lastly, we discuss what these changes imply for the study of political socialization and the practice of civic education.

In the US and much of the developed world, Gen Z faces significant challenges such as climate change, racial inequality, and economic precarity. Though this emerging generation faces significant challenges, digital media is invaluable for engaging with public life. In this chapter, we will focus on changing civic identities of citizens in industrialized democracies and digital media’s role in shaping engagement modes. First, we touch on news consumption, followed by the practices and patterns emerging as formal political campaigns attempt to reach young people through digital media. Second, we will highlight how content creation and interaction in digital media enables, for some young citizens, a form of cultural engagement that pushes the boundaries of the political. This chapter provides a base for additional discussion on Gen Z and civic engagement, the role of socio-economic status and social identity, online practices, socialization, and civic education in Chapter 12.

Research suggests that social media consumer activism can be motivated through multiple microlevel action frames (MAFs – or simply, microframes). In this study, we examine an online consumer activism campaign against the supermarket chain Carrefour in Brazil and develop a typology of microframes that emerged during this episode of consumer activism. We leverage Twitter data to illustrate the distinction between cause-oriented (centered on animal rights issues) and brand-oriented MAFs (emphasizing consumer disappointment in Carrefour) and examine their influence on the emergence of other online consumer activism microframes. Our findings reveal the complex interplay between cause support (cause-oriented MAF) and perceptions of a brand transgression (brand-oriented MAF) to galvanize collective action. We theorize the roles of distinct MAFs in spurring and sustaining consumers’ online mobilization. Practical recommendations for brand managers are discussed.

Political campaigns often feature jarring revelations against candidates. This study examines how audiences come to understand major campaign events, the extent to which they shape evaluations of candidates, and how their impact is filtered through an increasingly partisan news media environment. Using national rolling cross-sectional survey data collected over the 2016 U.S. presidential election period, we show partisan asymmetries in the way major campaign events influenced candidate appraisals. Event effects during the 2016 campaign were dependent on various media use patterns and concentrated among Independents. In particular, the reopening of the investigation into Clinton’s email server by James Comey reduced her favorability, especially when paired with liberal and conservative partisan media use. By providing a nuanced picture of partisan selective exposure and campaign effects, our findings reinforce that the role of campaigns in candidate appraisals should be understood at the intersection of media use, partisanship, and specific events during a contentious race.

Digital trace data have become one of the central pillars of media research methods. Despite the opportunities for better understanding individual users’ true behaviors in the personalized media environment, many scholars have pointed out the potential for bias in trace data collections, questioning the generalizability of findings based on them. In this study, we propose two statistical bias correction methods–Inverse Probability Weighting (IPW) and Type II Tobit, which are designed to remedy selection bias of inference from digital trace data donated by research participants. Applying these methods to Facebook take-out data, we demonstrate how the correction methods can change estimated effect sizes, which is important for the translation of academic findings into real-world impacts. We conduct two simulation studies, one under fully synthetic and another under partially simulated conditions, and find that Type II Tobit generally provides a more robust and cost-efficient correction method for digital trace data.

Despite evidence that social media are transforming American political life, fundamental questions remain about their influence on political inequality among the next generation of citizens. This study examines whether youth political behavior on social media is stratified by socioeconomic status (SES) and if political interest is the primary mechanism. Analyzing two nationally representative surveys of young Americans (18–34), we find youth political behavior on social media is less stratified by SES than voting or offline campaign participation. In one case, social media political expression is counter-stratified. While the relationship between SES and youth political behavior on social media can be partially explained by political interest, general political knowledge and positive perceptions of Facebook for politics also emerged as potential mechanisms. Findings suggest that SES-based youth political inequality persists on social media, but it is less severe than for offline forms of participation, and is likely explained by a range of factors beyond political interest.