Mile Mišić

I investigated how regime type conditions the influence of organized economic interests on climate policy adoption, focusing on green industries as prototypical policy beneficiaries. I argue that institutional opportunity structures shape whether pro-climate interests can translate economic strength into policy influence. Using cross-national panel data (74 countries, 2000–2018), I tested whether green industry strength measured by low-carbon technology exports, is (1) associated with more climate policy mitigation instruments, and (2) whether this association differs between democracies and autocracies. The results show that green industry strength is generally associated with climate policy adoption, but this relationship is visible only in democracies. These findings contribute to the existing literature by providing suggestive evidence that regime type conditions how pro-climate economic interests translate into actual policy adoption.

The worsening climate crisis has increased the urgency of transitioning energy systems from fossil fuels to renewable sources. However, many industrialized countries are struggling to meet their growing demand for renewable energy (RE) through domestic production alone and, therefore, seek to import additional RE using carriers such as hydrogen, ammonia, or metals. The pressing question for RE importers is therefore how to select trading partners, i.e., RE exporting countries. Recent research has identified a plethora of different selection criteria, reflecting the complexity of energy systems and international cooperation. However, there is little guidance on how to reduce this complexity to more manageable levels as well as a lack of tools for effective partner evaluation. This article aims to fill these gaps. It proposes a new multidimensional framework for evaluating and comparing potential RE trading partners based on four dimensions: economy and technology, environment and development, regulation and governance, and innovation and cooperation. Focusing on Germany as an RE importer, an exploratory factor analysis is used to identify a consolidated set of composite selection criteria across these dimensions. The results suggest that Germany’s neighboring developed countries and current net energy exporters, such as Canada and Australia, are among the most attractive RE trading partners for Germany. A dashboard tool has been developed to provide the framework and composite criteria, including adjustable weights to reflect the varying preferences of decision-makers and stakeholders. The framework and the dashboard can provide helpful guidance and transparency for partner selection processes, facilitating the creation of RE trade networks that are essential for a successful energy transition.

Global forums on climate action consist of groups of countries that take climate action outside of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. This analysis investigates in which global forums post-Communist countries participate and their motivation for it. The article draws from theories of policy diffusion to explain why post-Communist countries have joined such forums. It contends that the wish to follow the example of high-status countries , considerations concerning economic competitiveness, and the wish to obtain access to knowledge are potential factors explaining membership. Our findings suggest that access to knowledge was the most relevant driver of participation.

Small hydropower plants (SHPs), despite being a renewable energy source, could have negative environmental effects. Nonetheless, many countries have promoted and subsidised them, leading to a rise in the number of environmental conflicts. How was the issue of SHPs framed in Serbia by the proponents and the opponents? How did the framing strategy change over time and why? And which factors increased attention to the topic, eventually leading a change of governmental policy? To address these questions, we analyse the Serbian mass media’s environmental framing of SHPs and conduct a content analysis of 359 articles written between 2000–2020 and published by major national online newspapers and news portals. We use the Discourse Network Analyser to demonstrate changes in framing strategies that, together with increased public pressure, contributed to a re-evaluation of the impact of SHPs and ultimately changed the government’s and the public’s standing on this issue.

How are environmental conflicts managed in China and Russia? Both states are territorially large non-democracies affected by environmental degradation due to industrialisation and economic growth, and both are characterised by collectivist culture resulting from pronounced historical legacies and Communism. Our analysis of China indicates the important role played by local governments often supporting local people; and role of the negotiation between the central and the local governments. In contrast, in Russia local governments ally with businesses involved in environmental conflicts; or tend to support central government view on the conflict. However, the environmentalists’ movements in Russia are better connected to external (international) support. In contrast, China exhibits more isolation of environmental movements that are less influenced by Western environmentalism, if at all. The paper aspires to bring further insights in understanding of the public environmentalism and management of environmental conflicts in Eurasia.

We analyse data from the 2018 Eurobarometer survey to provide a debate on EU authority in the field of energy policy beyond the member states’ preferences. More specifically, we look at why citizens are willing to confer authority to the EU in making energy policy and which policy priorities they indicate. Focusing on public opinion appears promising as the data reveals that European citizens have a more positive stance on allocating policy competences to the EU than the member states’ governments. The descriptive analysis shows that most citizens prefer the Energy Union to prioritise the promotion of renewable energy. This holds particularly true for citizens living in Western Europe that have a left-leaning ideology and who perceive climate change as an issue. For Central-East European citizens, especially those who are right-leaning and perceive energy security as a problem, the Energy Union should give priority to increasing energy security.