Daniel Romero-Portillo

This paper introduces the PROTEiCA project survey, a dataset designed to explore the normalization of protest participation and the societal impact of large-scale demonstrations. The survey, conducted in 2019, provides a representative sample of the Spanish population aged 18 and over, focusing on the International Women’s Day protests—among the largest mobilizations in Spain’s history—and their political and social significance. The dataset includes variables on protest participation, and public perceptions of recent and historical mobilizations, enabling robust analyses of contentious events and their effects. This paper outlines the construction of the dataset, detailing the questionnaire design, the cross-sectional methodology with daily tracking over 20 days, and the administration strategy. Key insights into the dataset’s value and potential applications for both expert and non-expert researchers are provided, highlighting its contribution to understanding protest normalization and the dynamics of societal change. By making this innovative dataset accessible, the PROTEiCA survey aims to support and inspire future research, fostering new insights into the dynamics of social movements and collective action.

This article presents the results of the analysis of the development of sustainability competencies of students enrolled in subjects in the area of ​​Didactics of Mathematics of three different degrees in the Faculty of Educational Sciences at the Universidad de Cádiz. To carry out this analysis, the sustainability questionnaire of the EDINSOST project was used. This questionnaire consists of 18 items related to the development of the four sustainability competencies proposed by the Sectoral Commission of the Conference of Rectors of Spanish Universities. A total of 105 students responded to a questionnaire composed of items expressed like a four-point Likert scale. Three types of composite indicators were defined to analyse the students’ answers in each competency, competency unit, and mastery level. The results reveal how the development of the sustainability in students depends on the degree analysed.

Distance learning due to the COVID-19 lockdown, commonly called emergency remote teaching (ERT), substantially changed the methodology of teaching and possibly students’ perceptions of the quality of lectures. Students’ opinions should be collected and analyzed jointly with other data such as academic performance to assess the effect of this pandemic on learning. A 20-question, 4-point Likert scale specific questionnaire was designed and validated twice by a panel of experts. The survey was sent to the 365 industrial engineering undergraduate students enrolled in a chemistry course. Responses (n = 233) and academic data were collected, and four student profiles were identified by using the k-means cluster analysis technique: ‘The Lucky’, ‘The Passive’, ‘The Autonomous Learner’ and ‘The Harmed’. Students experienced the ERT differently according to their profile. Undergraduates who were better autonomous learners excelled in academic performance and were more participative in the survey. In general, students preferred face-to-face classes over distance learning. Undergraduates’ learning has been impaired due to the circumstances. However, contrary to their beliefs, the situation has benefited them with respect to grades when comparing their performance with students from previous years. Discovering what challenges students faced to adapt to the situation is key to giving students tools to grow as autonomous learners and to enable educators to apply tailored teaching techniques to improve the quality of lectures and enhance student satisfaction.

Las protestas del 8 de marzo se han convertido recientemente en uno de los fenómenos políticos más destacados. En España, la dimensión y la naturaleza de las demandas del movimiento indican un fuerte y organizado movimiento enormemente crítico con cómo el régimen democrático en sí sirve a los intereses y a las necesidades de las mujeres. Por ello, tras revisar cómo la teoría feminista ha tratado con anterioridad la teoría de la democracia liberal y su concepto de ciudadanía, se explora si el movimiento feminista español da apoyo o no a la democracia liberal. Para acometer ese objetivo, se desarrollan análisis estadísticos haciendo uso de los barómetros de opinión 3173 (abril 2017) y 3210 (abril 2018) del Centro de Investigaciones Sociológicas (CIS). Para comprobar las hipótesis se emplean gráficos descriptivos y modelos de regresión. Se ha encontrado firme evidencia sobre la relación entre el aumento de la política de protesta y de la ideología feminista, especialmente entre mujeres jóvenes. Mientras, efectiva pero menos sólida evidencia se halla en cuanto a si participar en protestas feministas lleva tanto a opciones electorales de feminismo no institucional o a la abstención dependiendo de la consideración de propia efectividad política. Por consiguiente, el incremento de la fuerza política del movimiento feminista español no ha conllevado la ruptura con la democracia liberal a pesar de los agravios y obstáculos a la participación que este sistema impone a las mujeres. En cambio, sí ha conllevado a la lucha por una democracia radical apoyada por las feministas sin importar su edad o posicionamiento ideológico tradicional (izquierda-derecha).

This work presents an analysis of student perception of Spanish university education degrees regarding their training in sustainable development. A sample of 942 students was used. The methodology consists of analyzing the results of a survey answered by the first- and fourth-year students from nine education degree courses in four Spanish universities. Comparison of the perception of learning by fourth-year students against those of the first year enables improvements in learning regarding sustainability to be ascertained. The questionnaire consists of 18 questions concerning four sustainability competencies: C1-Critical contextualization of knowledge, C2-Sustainable use of resources, C3-Participation in community processes, and C4-Ethics. Two composite indicators are defined to analyze the absolute learning (achieved on completion of their studies) and the relative learning (achieved with respect to what should have been achieved) declared by the students in each competency, degree and university. The results show that students declare an improvement in all their sustainability competencies, although the results of the final learning are far from those expected: they have learned only 27% of what they should have learned. Moreover, the learning achieved in the four competencies depends on the degree and the university.

El cambio del sistema de partidos y la profundización de éstos en la crisis territorial en el periodo posterior a la Gran Recesión de 2008 hacen interesante explorar también la polarización de la ciudadanía en el eje centro-periferia y la configuración del nuevo espacio electoral con respecto a este eje. El propósito de este artículo es conocer cómo se distribuyen las estructuras identitarias y a las preferencias sobre la organización territorial del Estado de las bases electorales de los partidos españoles bajo el nuevo contexto político-electoral. Para ello, se agregan los estudios post-electorales del CIS de 2008 a 2019, que se exploran de forma gráfica y mediante regresiones logísticas multinomiales. Nuestros hallazgos confirman que el deterioro apuntado por Jiménez y Navarro (2015) para las elecciones de 2011 no fue coyuntural, sino que se trata de una tendencia que se consolida desde 2015, estabilizándose hasta 2019. Específicamente, se consolida la erosión del apoyo al Estado de las autonomías y aumenta de manera general el apoyo centralismo. Esta erosión no va acompañada, sin embargo, de una desvinculación generalizada de las identidades compartidas, aunque aumenten las identidades nacionales exclusivas. En cuanto al nuevo sistema de partidos, las bases electorales de los partidos se polarizan en gran medida en cuanto a sus preferencias sobre la organización territorial del Estado, pero no así con la identidad nacional.

This article defines contemporary social patriotism as a type of welfare nationalism, with characteristics of an achievable civic form of maintenance nationalism. It investigates the presence of this type of nationalism in contemporary Spain, pointing out the novelty of the explicit linkage of patriotism and a reformist agenda by leftist parties. It also argues that social patriotism has the leverage for creating transversal identities within a multinational democracy such as Spain. After testing our hypotheses using qualitative and quantitative data, we discuss the implications of these findings within a wider European context.