Evelyn Bosma

Aims and Objectives/Purpose/Research Questions: This study investigated cross-linguistic influence and structural priming in L2 learners’ comprehension of Dutch relative clauses (RCs) and PP-attachments. While PP-attachments are structurally ambiguous in all three languages, RCs are structurally ambiguous in Dutch and German, but not in English. Design/Methodology/Approach: L1 speakers of German ( n = 18) and English ( n = 19) completed a structural priming task in their L2 Dutch with a pre-test, a priming phase, an immediate post-test, and a delayed post-test 1 day later. Data and Analysis: The data were analysed using t tests and repeated-measures analysis of variance (ANOVA). In the pre-test, L1 speakers of German showed a clear parsing preference for subject RCs and a slight preference for VP-attachment, whereas L1 speakers of English showed a clear parsing preference for object RCs and a slight preference for NP-attachment. The English L1 speakers were sensitive to structural priming, but only when primed with subject RCs and VP-attachments. This priming was still visible 1 day later. The German L1 speakers were not sensitive to the priming manipulation. Findings/Conclusion: The pre-test showed that L1 parsing preferences influence L2 processing; the structural priming effects in the English L1 speakers showed an inverse frequency effect that is based on experiences from both L1 and L2; the delayed post-test showed that structural priming can be seen as a form of implicit learning. Originality: This is the first structural priming study that compared two groups of L2 speakers on two different structures. Significance/Implications: Structural priming can be seen as a form of implicit learning in which experienced frequencies from both L1 and L2 give rise to a developing shared syntax.

Bilingual children often experience difficulties with inflectional morphology. The aim of this longitudinal study was to investigate how regularity of inflection in combination with verbal short-term and working memory (VSTM, VWM) influences bilingual children’s performance. Data from 231 typically developing five- to eight-year-old children were analyzed: Dutch monolingual children (N = 45), Frisian-Dutch bilingual children (N = 106), Turkish-Dutch bilingual children (N = 31), Tarifit-Dutch bilingual children (N = 38) and Arabic-Dutch bilingual children (N = 11). Inflection was measured with an expressive morphology task. VSTM and VWM were measured with a Forward and Backward Digit Span task, respectively. The results showed that, overall, children performed more accurately at regular than irregular forms, with the smallest gap between regulars and irregulars for monolinguals. Furthermore, this gap was smaller for older children and children who scored better on a non-verbal intelligence measure. In bilingual children, higher accuracy at using (irregular) inflection was predicted by a smaller cross-linguistic distance, a larger amount of Dutch at home, and a higher level of parental education. Finally, children with better VSTM, but not VWM, were more accurate at using regular and irregular inflection.

Previous research has shown that in a minority–majority language context, the quantity of language input at home is more important for the development of the minority language than for the development of the majority language. In the current study, we examined whether the same holds true for the frequency of specific language activities at home. In a group of five- and six-year-old Frisian–Dutch bilingual children (n= 120), we investigated to what extent vocabulary and morphology knowledge were predicted by reading activities, watching TV, and story-telling activities in both languages. The results showed that reading in Frisian predicted both Frisian vocabulary and morphology, while reading in Dutch only predicted Dutch vocabulary. This shows that reading at home is most important for the development of the minority language. This especially holds true for the acquisition of Frisian morphology, a domain that is known to be vulnerable in language acquisition.

Recent research suggests that cognitive control plays a role in code-switching, both in bilingual adults and in bilingual children. Code-switching would only require cognitive control, however, when speakers maintain some degree of separation between their two languages, not when they completely mix the lexicons and grammars of their languages. For Frisian–Dutch bilinguals, mixing of Dutch (majority language) into Frisian (minority language) is common, but mixing of Frisian into Dutch is not. Therefore, Frisian–Dutch bilinguals need to maintain some degree of language separation when they speak Dutch, but not when they speak Frisian, predicting that code-switching from Dutch to Frisian would affect cognitive control more than vice versa. Frisian–Dutch bilingual children aged 5 and 6 (n = 104) completed a Flanker task. Information about frequency of code-switching from Dutch to Frisian and frequency of code-switching from Frisian to Dutch was obtained through a parental questionnaire. Multiple hierarchical regression analyses showed that frequency of code-switching from Dutch to Frisian significantly predicted performance on a Flanker task, but that frequency of code-switching from Frisian to Dutch did not. The results suggests that code-switching from Dutch to Frisian requires more cognitive control than code-switching from Frisian to Dutch. This is the first study that shows a code-switching asymmetry in the context of a minority–majority language pair. The study supports the hypothesis that code-switching requires more cognitive control when a bilingual speaker has to maintain some degree of language separation between her or his two languages.

Closely related languages share cross-linguistic phonological regularities, such as Frisian -âld [ɔ:t] and Dutch -oud [ɑut], as in the cognate pairs kâld [kɔ:t] - koud [kɑut] ‘cold’ and wâld [wɔ:t] - woud [wɑut] ‘forest’. Within Bybee’s network model (1995, 2001, 2008, 2010), these regularities are, just like grammatical rules within a language, generalizations that emerge from schemas of phonologically and semantically related words. Previous research has shown that verbal working memory is related to the acquisition of grammar, but not vocabulary. This suggests that verbal working memory supports the acquisition of linguistic regularities. In order to test this hypothesis we investigated whether verbal working memory is also related to the acquisition of cross-linguistic phonological regularities. For three consecutive years, five- to eight-year-old Frisian-Dutch bilingual children (n = 120) were tested annually on verbal working memory and a Frisian receptive vocabulary task that comprised four cognate categories: (1) identical cognates, (2) non-identical cognates that either do or (3) do not exhibit a phonological regularity between Frisian and Dutch, and (4) non-cognates. The results showed that verbal working memory had a significantly stronger effect on cognate category (2) than on the other three cognate categories. This suggests that verbal working memory is related to the acquisition of cross-linguistic phonological regularities. More generally, it confirms the hypothesis that verbal working memory plays a role in the acquisition of linguistic regularities.

Various studies have shown that bilingual children need a certain degree of proficiency in both languages before their bilingual experiences enhance their executive functioning (EF). In the current study, we investigated if degree of bilingualism in Frisian-Dutch children influenced EF and if this effect was sustained over a three-year period. To this end, longitudinal data were analyzed from 120 Frisian-Dutch bilingual children who were 5 or 6 years old at the first time of testing. EF was measured with two attention and two working memory tasks. Degree of bilingualism was defined as language balance based on receptive vocabulary and expressive morphology scores in both languages. In a context with a minority and a majority language, such as the Frisian-Dutch context, chances for becoming proficient in both languages are best for children who speak the minority language at home. Therefore, in a subsequent analysis, we examined whether minority language exposure predicted language balance and whether there was a relationship between minority language exposure and EF, mediated by language balance. The results showed that intensity of exposure to Frisian at home, mediated by language balance, had an impact on one of the attention tasks only. It predicted performance on this task at time 1, but not at time 2 and 3. This partially confirms previous evidence that the cognitive effects of bilingualism are moderated by degree of bilingualism and furthermore reveals that substantial minority language exposure at home indirectly affects bilingual children’s cognitive development, namely through mediation with degree of bilingualism. However, the findings also demonstrate that the effect of bilingualism on EF is limited and unstable.