Patricia A. Frazier

Gender-based public harassment (GBPH) encompasses a wide variety of behaviors (from comments, looks, and sounds to touching, following, and genital exposure) that are enacted by strangers in public...

This study examined how the characteristics of specific instances of sexual harassment differed across four common college locations, building on previous research by using a larger and more diverse sample. 1,164 undergraduate students, who were predominantly straight (58%), White (48%), cisgender (85%), and women (50%) from 408 U.S. higher education institutions. Participants provided contextual information about common sexually-harassing experiences from the last seven days in an online survey. Students reported 4,362 harassing incidents (M = 3.79 per student) during the previous seven days; 59.8% of students reported any harassment. Results of multilevel models (N = 2,225 most upsetting incidents) indicated that similar students were harassed across locations, but experienced harassment from different people and in different ways. Findings can support schools and local, state, and federal governments in collaborative efforts to develop more comprehensive sexual harassment interventions tailored for specific contexts.

The term "trauma" was originally used to describe only the most horrific experiences, but its meaning has expanded in both public and academic circles. This has led to concerns about potential risks associated with defining the term trauma more broadly. However, little research has examined whether the breadth of individuals' trauma beliefs affects their distress after exposure to a potentially traumatic event. The purpose of this study was to examine whether preexisting trauma beliefs, measured via the Trauma subscale of the Harm Concept Breadth Scale (McGrath & Haslam, 2020), predicted distress following exposure to a film clip of a fatal car accident, which served as an analogue for a traumatic experience. In a college student sample (N = 439), individuals who endorsed broader trauma beliefs were more likely to report viewing the film clip as a trauma (f² = .03, p = .001) and to have higher ratings of negative emotion after exposure (f² = .03, p < .001), with small effect sizes, but did not report more event-related distress 2 days later (f² = .01, p = .079), controlling for covariates (e.g., neuroticism). Those who perceived the exposure as traumatic had higher scores on measures of negative emotions (f² = .11) and event-related distress (f² = .12), ps < .001, with small-to-medium effect sizes. These results suggest that applying the word "trauma" to a broader spectrum of events may be associated with more negative reactions to traumatic events and that clinicians could help individuals reframe those beliefs. Better measures of trauma beliefs and research with more diverse samples are needed to better understand the effects of trauma beliefs. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2025 APA, all rights reserved).

Dozens of studies have found that men and individuals without a history of sexual violence tend to endorse more rape myths, including being more likely to blame sexual violence victim-survivors and see them as less credible. Less is known regarding individual differences in other stigmatizing attitudes, such as whether victim-survivors are seen as less likable. We investigated relations between observer gender and sexual victimization history and ratings of victim-survivor likability across two preexisting studies of six total samples. University students in the United States and community members (Study 1 N = 760) read experimental vignettes describing experiences of sexual violence and other less stigmatized traumatic events (e.g., car accident) and answered several questions, including the likability of the individuals described in the vignettes. Study 2 (N = 1,112) replicated the analysis used in Study 1 in a new sample. We preregistered the hypothesis that women and individuals with a sexual violence history would rate sexual violence victim-survivors as more likable than would men and individuals without a history of sexual violence. Linear regression and mixed effect models were conducted to test hypotheses. Most effects related to gender and sexual violence history were nonsignificant. In exploratory analyses, victim-survivors of sexual violence were rated as less likable than individuals who had experienced other forms of trauma regardless of rater gender or sexual violence history, although this effect was slightly less pronounced for younger individuals and those with a history of sexual violence. Across two studies, the most consistent findings were that participant gender did not predict likability ratings and that victim-survivors of sexual violence were rated as less likable than those who had experienced other traumas.

We investigated relations between observer gender and sexual victimization history and perceptions of victim likability using two existing datasets, with Study 2 used to replicate Study 1. U.S. university students and community members (Study 1 N = 760; Study 2 N = 1,112) rated experimental vignettes describing experiences of sexual violence and other less stigmatized traumatic events (e.g., car accident). We performed two sets of analyses—one that examined correlates of ratings of sexual violence victims and one that compared ratings of sexual violence vignettes to ratings of other traumas. For the first set of analyses, we hypothesized that women (vs. men) and individuals with (vs. without) a sexual violence history would rate sexual violence survivors as more likable. Most effects related to gender and sexual violence history were nonsignificant. In the second set of analyses, victims of sexual violence were perceived as less likable than victims of other traumas regardless of rater gender or sexual violence history, although this effect was slightly less pronounced for younger individuals and those with a history of sexual violence. Across two studies, the most consistent findings were that gender did not predict perceptions of likability and that victims of sexual violence were perceived as less likable than victims of other traumas.

The primary aim of the current mixed-method study was to examine factors that predict adult sexual assault disclosure in romantic relationships and understand how romantic partners respond if survivors choose to disclose their experiences to them. Sexual assault survivors ( N  = 330; 93% cisgender women) completed online surveys assessing disclosure and various factors that might be associated with disclosure, and described how their partner responded to their disclosure or what prevented them from disclosing (qualitatively coded). Many victims did not disclose experiences of assault to their partners. Proportional odds logistic regression revealed that survivors who perceived their partners as more responsive were more likely to have disclosed, but partner trust was unrelated to disclosure. Attachment avoidance (but not anxiety) was negatively related to disclosure. Sexual and gender minority victims were more likely to have disclosed to their partners; race was unrelated to disclosure. The most common qualitative response was that partners reacted to disclosures with emotional support, although some responded negatively. Survivors most often chose not to tell their partners because the assault was too difficult to talk about or was not relevant to the relationship. Sexual assault stigma may play out in victims’ disclosure decisions and partners’ disclosure reactions.

ObjectiveUsing the social-ecological model of violence prevention, we examined the locations in which sexual harassment occurs and whether harassment differed in terms of target, harasser, relationship, and incident characteristics across locations.ParticipantsA total of 246 mostly women, straight, White, and cisgender students at a large Midwestern university.MethodsStudents completed an online survey and reported information about sexually-harassing experiences from the last seven days.ResultsStudents reported 821 instances of sexual harassment (M = 3.34 per student) over the past seven days; 74% of students reported any harassment. Using multilevel modeling, characteristics of harassers, incident characteristics, and the relationship between harassers and targets distinguished between harassment experienced across locations (i.e., housing, outside, online, public establishments, and academic buildings) more than did target characteristics.ConclusionsThese findings inform harassment prevention efforts at universities by suggesting interventions tailored to specific locations and inform debates about the proper scope of campus sexual harassment policies.

Little is known about the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on medical students. We examined medical students’ burnout, career regret, and medical school experiences from before to during the pandemic, and differences between students from marginalized and nonmarginalized groups. We analyzed data from 2019 to 2022 Association of American Medical Colleges Year Two Questionnaires (N = 52,152) and Graduation Questionnaires (N = 66,795). Given large samples, we focused on effect sizes versus statistical significance. All effects of study year were less than small (η² < .01) indicating minimal differences in medical students’ burnout, career regret, and school experiences from before (2019) to during (2020–2022) the pandemic. Interactions between study year and demographic characteristics (gender, race-ethnicity, sexual orientation) were less than small; thus, students from marginalized groups were not affected more by the pandemic than others. Across study years, women reported more exhaustion and discrimination than men. Black students reported more discrimination than students from other racial-ethnic groups; bisexual students reported more discrimination than heterosexual students (all ds > 0.20). Differences between students from marginalized and nonmarginalized groups were bigger than the effects of the pandemic, suggesting a need for system-level interventions to foster inclusion in medical education.

Background: Research on the relation between sexual assault (SA) and romantic functioning has yielded inconsistent results. The goals of the current studies were to examine this association while addressing limitations of past research; assessing revictimization, multiple victimization, and assault timing; and examining whether this association was moderated by neuroticism, attachment orientations, or perceived partner responsiveness. Design and Methods: College students (Study 1; N = 437) and community members (Study 2; N = 566) completed measures assessing SA, romantic functioning, attachment, neuroticism, and partner responsiveness. Study 2 used a mixed-methods approach. Data were collected via online surveys in psychology courses (Study 1) and on Prolific (Study 2). Results: In Study 1, SA was not associated with romantic functioning and this association was not moderated by attachment or neuroticism. In Study 2, SA survivors reported significantly poorer relationship quality and less partner trust, but not less sexual satisfaction. However, significant effects were small. Partner responsiveness did not moderate these associations, and revictimization, multiple victimizations, and assault recency were not related to poorer functioning. In qualitative data, the most common response was that the SA had not affected participants’ relationships. Conclusions: Relationships may be one area in which SA survivors demonstrate resilience.

We investigated runners’ experiences of public harassment and the association between gender and sexual orientation and harassment. We hypothesized that cisgender women and LGBQ+ individuals would report more harassment, fear of harassment, and behavioral changes than cisgender men and straight individuals. Adult United States runners (N = 1,645, primarily cisgender women) completed an online survey assessing lifetime and past-year experiences of harassment, fear, behavioral changes, and harassment attributions. Most participants (84.2%) reported at least one form of harassment while running (M = 3.55 types). Gender interacted with sexual orientation such that sexual minority cisgender women reported significantly more lifetime and past-year harassment than straight cisgender women (gs = 0.44–0.45). For fear and behavioral changes, only gender was significant, with cisgender women reporting more fear and behavioral changes than cisgender men (gs = 0.99–1.06). Cisgender women also were more likely than cisgender men to attribute the harassment to gender (ϕ = .70). LGBQ+ individuals reported significantly more attributions to sexual orientation (ϕ = .16) than straight individuals but not more fear or behavioral changes. This study, the largest investigation of harassment among runners, highlights the need for prevention campaigns to make public spaces safer for all runners.