Marco Degano

Indefinites are known to give rise to different scopal (specific vs. non-specific) and epistemic (known vs. unknown) uses. Farkas and Brasoveanu (Wiley Blackwell Compan. Semant. 1–26, 2020) explain these specificity distinctions in terms of stability vs. variability in value assignments of the variable introduced by the indefinite. Typological research (Haspelmath in Indefinite pronouns. Oxford University Press, 1997) shows that indefinites have different functional distributions with respect to these uses. In this work, we present a formal framework where Farkas and Brasoveanu (Wiley Blackwell Compan. Semant. 1–26, 2020’s) ideas are rigorously formalized. We develop a two-sorted team semantics that integrates both scope and epistemic effects. We apply the framework to explain the typological variety of indefinites, showing that only lexicalized indefinites have convex meanings in our system (Gärdenfors in The geometry of meaning: semantics based on conceptual spaces. MIT Press, 2014; Steinert-Threlkeld et al. Semant. Pragmat. 16:1-EA, 2023). We account for the restricted distribution and licensing conditions of different indefinites, and we focus on a particular class of indefinites, called epistemic indefinites (Alonso-Ovalle and Menéndez-Benito in Epistemic indefinites: exploring modality beyond the verbal domain. Oxford University Press, 2015).

Plain disjunctive sentences, such as The mystery box contains a blue ball or a yellow ball, typically imply that the speaker does not know which of the two disjuncts is true. This is known as an ignorance inference. We can distinguish between two aspects of this inference: the negated universal upper bound part (i.e., the speaker is uncertain about each disjunct), which we call uncertainty, and the existential lower bound part (i.e., the speaker considers each disjunct possible), which we call possibility. In the traditional approach, uncertainty is derived as a primary implicature, from which possibility follows. In this paper, we report on two experiments using a sentence-picture verification task based on the mystery box paradigm that challenge the traditional implicature approach. Our findings show that possibility can arise without uncertainty, and we thus call for a reevaluation of the traditional view of disjunction and ignorance inferences. Our experimental findings are related to similar results involving disjunction in embedded contexts and pave the way for alternative theories that can account for the observed patterns of inference derivation in a unified fashion. We discuss how recent implicature and non-implicature theories can account for the derivation of existential lower bound inferences without the presence of negated universal upper bound inferences.

Indefinites are known to give rise to different scopal (specific vs non-specific) and epistemic (known vs unknown) uses. Farkas & Brasoveanu (2020) explained these specificity distinctions in terms of stability vs. variability in value assignments of the variable introduced by the indefinite. Typological research (Haspelmath 1997) showed that indefinites have different functional distributions with respect to these uses. In this work, we present a formal framework where Farkas & Brasoveanu (2020)’s ideas are rigorously formalized. We develop a two-sorted team semantics which integrates both scope and epistemic effects. We apply the framework to explain typological variety of indefinites, their restricted distribution and licensing conditions, and some diachronic developments of indefinite forms.

Indefinites display a great functional variety and they give rise to different pragmatic effects. We focus on free choice indefinites and in particular on the Italian qualsiasi. Our aim is to reconstruct the grammaticalization path of this item and understand how diachronic data might shed some light on existing semantic theories of free choice. We employ corpus-based tools to build a database containing occurrences of qualsiasi from its origin and early forms to its current usage. We show that qualsiasi emerged from a particular unconditional construction and we outline the different stages which led to its grammaticalization. We analyze the compatibility of our diachronic study with formal accounts of free choice inferences, with a focus on Alternative Semantics analyses for indefinite pronouns and so-called grammatical theories of free choice. Our work shows that an integration between formal semantics and historical linguistics is fruitful and worth pursuing.