Shawna J. Lee

This exploratory study used semi-structured focus groups to examine: 1) where and from whom fathers obtain information about parenting; 2) the types of parenting services men are aware of, and their attitudes about participating in such services; and 3) fathers’ perceived norms about the acceptability and utility of various parenting practices. Low-income men (N = 17) were recruited from a human services agency in Detroit, Michigan. Four major themes emerged. First was the need for male-focused community resources for fathers. Second was that men were aware of and used positive disciplinary strategies. Third was emphasis on fathers’ positive and effective communication, with male children in particular. Finally, men suggested that constructive and concrete activities, such as engaging with children in activities or mentorship programs with other adult men in the community, were preferable to traditional parenting class such as those offered through Child Protective Services.

The Hispanic population is the fastest growing segment of U.S. population. However, risks for child maltreatment in the foreign-born and native-born Hispanic populations are largely understudied. T...

This study assesses fathers’ discipline of their 3-year-old child. Data are from 1,238 mother and father participants in the Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study. Latent class analysis (LCA) of nonaggressive and aggressive behaviors, as reported by mothers, indicated four distinct paternal disciplinary profiles: low discipline, low aggression, moderate physical aggression, and high physical and psychological aggression. Serious forms of psychological aggression directed toward the child were uncommon but may identify those fathers most in need of intervention. Use of nonaggressive discipline was high and nearly equivalent among the parenting profiles. However, child aggressive behavior increased as the child’s exposure to paternal aggression increased, even when aggressive discipline was combined with high levels of nonaggressive discipline. Fathers who exhibited more aggression toward their child had higher levels of alcohol use, used more psychological aggression toward the child’s mother, and were more likely to spank their child.

This study uses data from 2,309 biological fathers who participated in the Fragile Families and Child Well-Being Study (FFCWS) to examine associations between psychosocial characteristics and levels of corporal punishment (CP) toward their 3-year-old children over the past month. Results indicate that 61% of the fathers reported no CP over the past month, 23% reported using CP once or twice, and 16% reported using CP a few times in the past month or more. In multivariate models controlling for important sociodemographic factors as well as characteristics of the child, fathers’ parenting stress, major depression, heavy alcohol use, and drug use were significantly associated with greater use of CP, whereas involvement with the child and generalized anxiety disorder were not. Girls were less likely to be the recipient of CP than were boys, and child externalizing behavior problems but not internalizing behavior problems were associated with more CP.

Fathers are overrepresented as perpetrators of physical child maltreatment, particularly in its most severe forms. Despite this, the research literature continues to lack specificity regarding the role fathers play in risk for physical child abuse or neglect (PCAN). Furthermore, although fathers have received more attention with respect to child sexual abuse and its treatment, their influence has been largely disregarded in many intervention efforts to reduce PCAN. Inadequate attention to the role of fathers, both in research and practice, has numerous problematic implications for the prevention of child maltreatment. The goal of this special issue is to disseminate new research that examines fathers' roles by focusing on multiple fathering factors that may directly and indirectly shape both maternal and paternal risk of engaging in PCAN. In the introduction to the special issue, we highlight key questions in the research literature and present our perspective on how the articles included in this special issue address some of these gaps.

We explored the content of possible selves of low‐income mothers and the strategies they have to work on their possible selves. Positive expected possible selves focus on getting a job, making ends meet, and caregiving. Negative to‐be‐avoided possible selves focus on failing to make ends meet, losing (or not getting) jobs, and problems with mental health. Immediate social context—rather than demographic characteristics or global work–family variables—was associated with content of possible selves. Controlling for demographic and work–family variables, job‐focused possible selves (and strategies to attain them) were more salient; and caregiving and mental‐health‐related possible selves were less salient to mothers in job‐training programs vs. welfare offices.

The Interactive Systems Framework (ISF) for Dissemination and Implementation (Wandersman et al. 2008) elaborates the functions and structures that move evidence‐based programs (EBPs) from research to practice. Inherent in that process is the tension between implementing programs with fidelity and the need to tailor programs to fit the target population. We propose Planned Adaptation as one approach to resolve this tension, with the goal of guiding practitioners in adapting EBPs so that they maintain core components of program theory while taking into account the needs of particular populations. Planned Adaptation is a form of capacity building within the Prevention Support System that provides a framework to guide practitioners in adapting programs while encouraging researchers to provide information relevant to adaptation as a critical aspect of dissemination research, with the goal of promoting wider dissemination and better implementation of EBPs. We illustrate Planned Adaptation using the JOBS Program (Caplan et al. 1989), which was developed for recently laid‐off, working‐ and middle‐class workers and subsequently implemented with welfare recipients.

The ability of welfare-to-work clients to leave the welfare rolls and stay in the labor force is often limited by the work barriers they face. Using a sample of 1,404 female welfare-to-work clients we first examined the structure of work barriers and then tested their contribution to current work status in the context of a structural equation model that incorporated other central pathways to employment. Whereas work barriers included diverse factors ranging from lack of transportation to low quality jobs, they were shown to constitute a uni-dimensional construct. Furthermore, work barriers had a net adverse effect on employment outcomes, controlling for job search self-efficacy and employment intention. We conclude with discussion of implications for the development of welfare-to-work programs and interventions that target low-income women.