Jorge Malheiros

Previous research based on 2001 and 2011 census data indicated rising levels of residential segregation between socio-economic groups in many large city-regions in Europe as well as globally. Rising segregation is an important societal concern, as place of residence plays a crucial role in shaping access to urban opportunities. Residential isolation can be especially harmful for the most vulnerable groups. Income inequality was identified as the primary driver of this segregation. The current paper extends comparative research on residential segregation in Europe by incorporating the latest 2021 census and register-based data to determine whether segregation levels have continued to rise or have peaked, or whether there are signs of desegregation. It also examines how changes in segregation align with shifts in income inequality and occupational structures. A comparative analysis of 16 European capital city-regions shows a slowdown in the rise of segregation, with some city-regions transitioning from segregation to desegregation. These changes coincide with both a slowdown in the growth of income inequality and increased professionalisation of the workforce. The study suggests that future research should focus on the mechanisms driving residential desegregation in different urban contexts, with particular attention to the diversification of residential patterns among the expanding professional class.

Este artigo discute, a partir da revisão de literatura e das normas produzidas pelospaíses da América do Sul, como, apesar do discurso relativo à posição enquantodestino acolhedor de imigrantes, a região é caracterizada pela xenofobia institucional,dificuldade dos migrantes em acessarem direitos, profusão de instrumentos “adhoc” para determinadas mobilidades e dificuldade em construir respostas regionaisintegradas. Este processo evidencia a politização da chegada de certas nacionalidades.Em termos metodológicos, o artigo recorre a um processo reflexivo baseado emanálise bibliográfica e documental que se centra essencialmente na situaçãocontemporânea (pós-1990), procedido por uma breve contextualização histórica.

Critical thinking is a broad classification for a diverse array of reasoning. In this Foreword we will underline different topics by breaking down arguments and claims, to see how these apply to a supposed model of Mediterranean Europe, in order to advance a critical understanding of the Introduction and the following chapters, identify significant commonalities, enhance connections and facilitate dialogue with the authors and their ideas. This Foreword will outline the broad contours of such critical thinking through the discussion of two topics that we have selected as the basis for a meaningful analysis in Mediterranean Europe: (1) the topic of place (which includes Mediterranean borders, an exploration of cities and the changing rural world); and (2) the topic of contemporary mobilities.

The idea that most immigrant receiving countries face a crisis of control has become pervasive since the 1990s, when neoliberal globalisation, as well as securitarian and nationalist policies, gained space. Due to the several contradictions and inefficiencies of the global circulation framework, most countries are exposed to uncontrolled migration, including the North and South European ones. The challenge is stronger when borders separate regions with uneven development levels and the economic cycle is expanding. When irregular migration occurs, the basic ex-post policy choices are limited to ignore the problem, enact deportation strategies or create mechanisms for regularisation.In Southern European countries, irregular immigration became endemic. Until the mid-2000s, the most frequent policy approach adopted in these migration regimes was the enactment of extraordinary regularisation processes. Since then, some nations adopted an ongoing regularisation model. Using Portugal as a reference, we intend to examine how such processes were implemented and why they have been enacted. Because the features of the Portuguese case share elements with other countries, some comparative analysis is developed and positioned at the global European level, to evaluate the convergence or divergence hypothesis and the blurring of migration regimes’ boundaries.

Assuming the specificity of qualified women in migratory processes, the present work focuses on the migratory process of Brazilian women in Dubai (United Arab Emirates - UAE), exploring the extent to which women's decisions regarding mobility are determined by structural constraints associated with the organization of labor markets, cultural models, and the family roles. In an alternative to this structuralist perspective, the chapter also aims to see the meaningfulness of the agency of women in migration and verify how (and if) this impacts on the processes of emancipation and empowerment. The Brazilian emigrant woman leave a country of continental scale, where economic, social, and cultural diversity is significant. Depending on the region of origin in Brazil, women have lower or higher education and are subject to different levels of patriarchal control that influence their condition in both the domestic sphere and the labor market. For its part, the context of the destination country (UAE), which is culturally and socially very different from Brazil, demands new tasks or functions and implies a multifaceted adaptation that requires integrating or accommodating to a new culture, learning a new language (or more than one), understanding or relearning the institutions that govern the social and work worlds, coexisting in schools, leisure and even in religious temples, and readjusting to a framework where patriarchy is even more accentuated.

Resumo A emergência da direita nacionalista em Portugal nas eleições legislativas de 2019 é aqui contextualizada nos fenómenos populistas europeus do mesmo tipo nas décadas mais recentes e na geografia do descontentamento que lhes está associada. A análise da territorialização da votação nesse novo partido, o Chega, na escala municipal, apresenta um padrão que não se coaduna com o que tem sido a geografia eleitoral em Portugal desde a Revolução Democrática de 1974, sugerindo as correlações com um conjunto alargado de variáveis com uma forte motivação identitária da sua base eleitoral, que aparece associada a alguns elementos de desvantagem social e económica. Simultaneamente, a sociologia dos eleitores do Chega apresenta alguns aspetos surpreendentes em face do que se sabe para a generalidade dos casos europeus.

Resumo A emergência da direita nacionalista em Portugal nas eleições legislativas de 2019 é aqui contextualizada nos fenómenos populistas europeus do mesmo tipo nas décadas mais recentes e na geografia do descontentamento que lhes está associada. A análise da territorialização da votação nesse novo partido, o Chega, na escala municipal, apresenta um padrão que não se coaduna com o que tem sido a geografia eleitoral em Portugal desde a Revolução Democrática de 1974, sugerindo as correlações com um conjunto alargado de variáveis com uma forte motivação identitária da sua base eleitoral, que aparece associada a alguns elementos de desvantagem social e económica. Simultaneamente, a sociologia dos eleitores do Chega apresenta alguns aspetos surpreendentes em face do que se sabe para a generalidade dos casos europeus.