Eduar Antonio Rodríguez Flores

PISA reports how students’ sense of belonging at school changed between 2018 and 2022 in each education system. This data descriptor presents an atlas that tests, system by system, whether the six items behind that index measure the same two constructs in both cycles, for the 69 systems with at least 500 respondents in both. The items fit two factors separated by wording (CFI 0.997, RMSEA 0.041; one factor: 0.906 and 0.214). With WLSMV and the conventional cut-offs, scalar invariance holds in 65 systems and fails in France, Macao, Montenegro and Viet Nam. Freeing one intercept restores comparability in the first three; Viet Nam fails already at the threshold step, needs two freed items, and its estimates are not recommended. With a stricter cut-off, 20 systems fail, including all 7 atlas systems to which the OECD gave version-specific item parameters. Changes go in both directions and are mostly small (median absolute change 0.078 and 0.069 standard deviations on the two factors), with replicate-based standard errors, and in the invariant systems they are closely correlated with the OECD index (r = 0.84 and 0.93). The 33 files, the scripts and a data dictionary are deposited at Zenodo.

This article asks how United States asset prices respond to shocks in the federal deficit and whether the response is stable. We estimate a recursive VAR on 265 monthly observations, 2002–2024. A deficit shock of one standard deviation is followed on average over 12 months by rises of 0.55% in house prices and 1.97% in the S&P 500 and a narrower corporate spread; gold’s response is not significant. The equity average is not stable: a sup-F test places a break in the coefficients on the deficit in March 2009 (p = 0.002), the local projection response is not significant in the full sample (p = 0.153) and does not differ significantly between recessions and expansions, and it is imprecise without the crisis windows. House prices respond positively in local projections, but not in a VAR from 2009 alone. The fiscal dominance ratio is above one in nine of ten combinations of specification and metric, but housing accounts for most of the variance ratios. The deficit ratio is associated with the top 1% wealth share within the quarter, not cumulatively. The estimates are conditional associations; the deficit shock is not free of reactions to markets.

Background Information and communication technology (ICT) infrastructure drives firm performance in emerging markets, yet institutional voids and security vulnerabilities often undermine its efficacy. The mechanisms linking ICT endowment, organizational security investment, and firm-level outcomes remain underexplored, particularly in developing economies. Methods We tested a recursive three-block structural equation model (SEM) on nationally representative microdata from Peru’s Annual Economic Survey 2024 (N = 9,966 firms across 14 sectors). The model integrated the Resource-Based View (RBV) and Routine Activity Theory (RAT) to specify pathways from ICT infrastructure, internet access, and digital human capital through security management investment to firm performance (large vs. medium/small firms, by INEI survey format). Parameters were estimated by maximum likelihood; robustness checks re-estimated the model without small firms and with continuous log sales as the outcome. Mediation analysis decomposed total effects via bootstrap confidence intervals (5,000 replications). Results ICT infrastructure was the dominant predictor across all equations (β = 0.356 in security management; β = 0.327 in firm performance, both p < 0.001). Security management significantly mediated 17.6% of ICT’s total effect on performance (indirect β = 0.070, p < 0.001). Criminal victimization exposure directly predicted security investment (β = 0.060, p < 0.001), establishing a protective response mechanism predicted by Routine Activity Theory. The main paths hold without small firms and with continuous log sales as the outcome. Model fit indices confirmed excellent fit (CFI = 0.988, RMSEA = 0.029, GFI = 0.987). Conclusions In volatile emerging market environments, security management functions as a strategic resource that transforms raw ICT connectivity into sustainable competitive advantage — a phenomenon we term “Digital Resilience.” These findings challenge technological determinism and provide a blueprint for firms and policymakers in developing economies to integrate security as a core dynamic capability rather than a cost center.

Between 28 February and 31 March 2026, the closure of the Strait of Hormuz raised Brent crude from approximately $72 to $118 per barrel and the European and Asian gas benchmarks by roughly 70 percent. We examine a consequence that the energy-shock and public-debt literatures have rarely studied together: partially unanticipated, supply-driven inflation erodes the real value of nominal sovereign liabilities. Using data through 15 August 2026, we decompose the 1.73 percentage-point acceleration in United States headline CPI between February and its May peak: energy contributed 1.44 points (83 percent) and core effects 0.28 points, most of which had reversed by July. We then replace single-figure erosion arithmetic with a maturity-structured accounting model of the Treasury debt stock: under the realized inflation path, first-year erosion is $241 billion—$204 billion excluding Federal Reserve holdings—roughly 40 percent below the $400 billion upper bound computed on gross debt. Finally, we specify falsifiable criteria under which the observed tolerance of above-target inflation would constitute the initial phase of a financial-repression regime; at the cutoff, at most one of six criteria is partially met, and market-implied expectations remain anchored at approximately 2.3 percent. The erosion channel is real but, on present evidence, transitory.

Between 28 February and 31 March 2026, Brent crude went from $72.48 to a peak of $118.35 per barrel, the Dutch Title Transfer Facility (TTF) gas benchmark doubled, and the Asian Japan Korea Marker (JKM) spot price for liquefied natural gas (LNG) rose by more than 140%. The trigger was the war against Iran and the closure of the Strait of Hormuz, through which about one fifth of the world's oil and LNG used to pass. This article aims to explain a consequence of that shock which the energy literature and the public-debt literature have each studied on their own but almost never together: supply-driven inflation quietly erodes the real value of sovereign liabilities. Three days before the first airstrikes, the Institute of International Finance reported a record $348 trillion in global debt. We trace the transmission channels of the 2026 shock (LNG supply, shipping and war-risk insurance, fertilizers and food), review the dilemma it created for the European Central Bank (ECB) and the Federal Reserve, and compute a simple liquidation arithmetic: each percentage point of unanticipated inflation transfers roughly $407 billion from bondholders to the United States Treasury alone. The article argues that the observed tolerance of 3-5% inflation in 2026 is best read as the initial phase of a financial-repression regime, and that this liquidation channel is a privilege of reserve-currency issuers, while energy-importing emerging economies suffer the opposite effect.

Las democracias contemporáneas afrontan un desafío filosófico de primera magnitud: la colonización algorítmicamente mediada de la deliberación pública, la formación epistémica y la identidad cívica por sistemas cuya lógica opera de manera opaca, asimétrica y orientada a la optimización de comportamientos antes que al fortalecimiento democrático. Este artículo propone la Responsabilidad Prospectiva Ciudadana (RPC) como categoría filosófica original para conceptualizar la ciudadanía ética activa en sociedades algorítmicamente mediadas. A partir de una revisión sistemática de 127 artículos arbitrados identificados en dos bases de datos complementarias — Web of Science (A&HCI + SSCI, n = 77) y Scopus (ARTS / SOCI / COMP, n = 50) — mediante 12 ecuaciones de búsqueda para el período 2015-2026, e integrando seis tradiciones filosóficas (Jonas, Habermas, Rawls, Mouffe, Fricker y Floridi) con los marcos de democracia contestataria y poder constituyente de Mejía Quintana, Lefort, Rosanvallon y Abensour, el artículo demuestra que la literatura especializada ha producido un diagnóstico extraordinariamente sofisticado de las transformaciones algorítmicas (70% del corpus, Ejes 1-4) mientras deja dramáticamente subdesarrollada la respuesta filosófica normativa desde la perspectiva del ciudadano ordinario (30%, Ejes 5-8). El proceso de deduplicación sistemática eliminó 126 registros duplicados (96 entre bases WoS-Scopus, 29 internos de Scopus, 1 interno de WoS) de los 2.483 registros identificados, obteniendo 2.357 registros únicos para cribado. Se derivan seis principios normativos del análisis filosófico integrado: transparencia algorítmica (P1), explicabilidad y derecho de impugnación (P2), equidad epistémica (P3), participación en la gobernanza (P4), solidaridad informacional (P5) y resistencia informada (P6). Estos principios tienen implicaciones directas para el diseño de innovaciones democráticas en contextos digitales polarizados, incluidos el AI Act europeo, las recomendaciones de ética de la IA de la UNESCO y los procesos democráticos participativos de próxima generación.

Can Hans Jonas’s heuristics of fear still ground a philosophy of artificial intelligence (AI), or does the digital artefact require its reformulation? Building on the empirical turn in the philosophy of technology and on a postphenomenological reading of human–technology relations, this article combines conceptual reconstruction with a PRISMA 2020-compliant bibliometric review (Scopus + Web of Science, 2010–2026; n = 2372 articles and reviews). The bibliometric map reveals an extreme productivity concentration, a stable journal core, and six thematic clusters that organise the field. Rather than treating these patterns as proof of a normative thesis, the article uses them to locate a lexical re-weighting of the field after 2021, in which applied AI-ethics and governance vocabularies expand faster than explicitly philosophical vocabularies. A targeted Jonasian sub-corpus (n = 124) indicates that Jonas remains conceptually relevant but circulates mainly in a smaller, database-visible niche of continental and environmental ethics. We argue that the heuristics of fear remains philosophically fertile provided that it is reconstructed as a threshold question of moral admissibility and expanded through phenomenological resources—lifeworld, embodiment, technological mediation—and through the cosmotechnical plurality emphasised by Yuk Hui. The convergence of bibliometric mapping and philosophical analysis suggests that robust AI governance requires not only procedural principles but also renewed attention to digital mediation, distributed agency, and the protection of the lifeworld under algorithmic uncertainty.

Introduction: The study analyzes the weakening of democracy in Latin America, focusing on factors such as power concentration, populism, and military autonomy. Special attention is given to how the COVID-19 pandemic accelerated institutional erosion in countries like Venezuela, Nicaragua, and Brazil. Objective: The objective of the study is to identify the factors that have contributed to democratic decline in the region and evaluate their impact on the institutional framework of various countries. Materials and Methods: The PRISMA-2020 methodology was applied, and relevant scientific literature was retrieved from the academic database Scopus. Studies published between 2020 and 2025 were analyzed using bibliometric tools such as VOSviewer, allowing for the visualization of co-occurrence networks and trends on the topic. Results: The results show that the democratic crisis in the region is not solely due to the pandemic but rather to preexisting processes of power concentration and institutional weakening. Corruption, populism, and military intervention have deepened public distrust in democracy. Conclusions: The research confirms that democratic weakening in Latin America is multifactorial and requires strengthening the independence of powers, institutional transparency, and citizen oversight to counteract democratic regression and foster institutional resilience. The protection of democratic institutions and the promotion of policies that ensure the separation of powers are fundamental to addressing current challenges and ensuring democratic stability in the region.