Joslyn N. Barnhart
Current Organizations / Institutes
The organizations/institutes from the scholar's latest article
Research Subjects
Joslyn N. Barnhart has a total of 3 co-authors. Here are the top co-authors by number of shared publications:
- Allan Dafoe
Faculty of Law Centre for the Governance of AI Future of Humanity Department of Politics and International Relations Centre for the Governance of AI Future of Humanity Institute University of Oxford Institute University of Oxford
1 shared publication - Elizabeth N. Saunders
Columbia University
1 shared publication - Robert F. Trager
University of California, Los Angeles
1 shared publication
Latest Publications
- 29 October 2020
- Published by Cambridge University Press (CUP) in International Organization
- Vol. 74 (4) , 633-670
The Suffragist Peace
Preferences for conflict and cooperation are systematically different for men and women: across a variety of contexts, women generally prefer more peaceful options and are less supportive of making threats and initiating conflict. But how do these preferences affect states’ decisions for war and patterns of conflict at the international level, such as the democratic peace? Women have increasingly participated in political decision making over the last century because of suffragist movements. But although there is a large body of research on the democratic peace, the role of women's suffrage has gone unexplored. Drawing on theory, a meta-analysis of survey experiments in international relations, and analysis of crossnational conflict data, we show how features of women's preferences about the use of force translate into specific patterns of international conflict. When empowered by democratic institutions and suffrage, women's more pacific preferences generate a dyadic democratic peace (i.e., between democracies), as well as a monadic peace. Our analysis supports the view that the enfranchisement of women is essential for the democratic peace.
- 29 October 2020
- Published by Cambridge University Press (CUP) in International Organization
- Vol. 74 (4) , 633-670
The Suffragist Peace
Preferences for conflict and cooperation are systematically different for men and women: across a variety of contexts, women generally prefer more peaceful options and are less supportive of making threats and initiating conflict. But how do these preferences affect states’ decisions for war and patterns of conflict at the international level, such as the democratic peace? Women have increasingly participated in political decision making over the last century because of suffragist movements. But although there is a large body of research on the democratic peace, the role of women's suffrage has gone unexplored. Drawing on theory, a meta-analysis of survey experiments in international relations, and analysis of crossnational conflict data, we show how features of women's preferences about the use of force translate into specific patterns of international conflict. When empowered by democratic institutions and suffrage, women's more pacific preferences generate a dyadic democratic peace (i.e., between democracies), as well as a monadic peace. Our analysis supports the view that the enfranchisement of women is essential for the democratic peace.
- 27 July 2020
- Published by SAGE Publications in Journal of Conflict Resolution
- Vol. 65 (1) , 195-222
The Consequences of Defeat: The Quest for Status and Morale in the Aftermath of War
Studies of the effect of past actions have focused on yielding without a fight. What happens, however, when states fight and lose? This article assesses the effect of defeat on a state’s behavior and finds that recently defeated states are more likely to initiate disputes than are undefeated or victorious states or states that fight to a draw. This aggression comes at the expense of states responsible for defeat and third-party states uninvolved in the original defeat. The analysis below examines the validity of five potential explanations for postdefeat aggression, including models rooted in failed political objectives, an emotional desire for revenge and reputation-building and finds evidence in support for the latter two. These existing mechanisms fail, however, to explain a key finding—the systematic targeting of weaker, third-party states—which, I argue, is best explained by a desire to bolster the state’s status and confidence in the aftermath of defeat.
- 27 July 2020
- Published by SAGE Publications in Journal of Conflict Resolution
- Vol. 65 (1) , 195-222
The Consequences of Defeat: The Quest for Status and Morale in the Aftermath of War
Studies of the effect of past actions have focused on yielding without a fight. What happens, however, when states fight and lose? This article assesses the effect of defeat on a state’s behavior and finds that recently defeated states are more likely to initiate disputes than are undefeated or victorious states or states that fight to a draw. This aggression comes at the expense of states responsible for defeat and third-party states uninvolved in the original defeat. The analysis below examines the validity of five potential explanations for postdefeat aggression, including models rooted in failed political objectives, an emotional desire for revenge and reputation-building and finds evidence in support for the latter two. These existing mechanisms fail, however, to explain a key finding—the systematic targeting of weaker, third-party states—which, I argue, is best explained by a desire to bolster the state’s status and confidence in the aftermath of defeat.