Deborah Hill Cone
Current Organizations / Institutes
The organizations/institutes from the scholar's latest article
Research Subjects
Deborah Hill Cone has a total of 19 co-authors. Here are the top co-authors by number of shared publications:
- Kieren J. Lilly
Institute for Social Science Research University of Queensland Brisbane Australia
4 shared publications - Chris G. Sibley
University of Auckland
3 shared publications - Danny Osborne
University of Auckland Auckland New Zealand
3 shared publications - Elena Zubielevitch
University of Auckland, New Zealand
3 shared publications Danny Osborne
2 shared publications- Eden V. Clarke
University of Auckland
2 shared publications
Latest Publications
- Open Access
- 1 January 2026
- Published by American Psychological Association (APA) in Psychology of Men & Masculinities
- Vol. 27 (1) , 106-123
Are men toxic? A person-centered investigation into the prevalence of different types of masculinity in a large sample of New Zealand men.
- 1 January 2026
- Published by American Psychological Association (APA) in Psychology of Men & Masculinities
- Vol. 27 (1) , 106-123
Open AccessAre men toxic? A person-centered investigation into the prevalence of different types of masculinity in a large sample of New Zealand men.
- Open Access
- 5 September 2025
- Published by Elsevier in Current Research in Ecological and Social Psychology
- Vol. 9
Gender identity is becoming more central to women of all ages, but less central to young men
- 5 September 2025
- Published by Elsevier in Current Research in Ecological and Social Psychology
- Vol. 9
Open AccessGender identity is becoming more central to women of all ages, but less central to young men
- Open Access
- 1 August 2025
- Published by New Zealand Psychological Society Inc. in New Zealand Journal of Psychology
- Vol. 54 (2) , 4-20
Profiling Societal Disengagement in the New Zealand Population
Despite growing concerns about declining social cohesion, no systematic analyses have assessed how societal disengagement manifests in New Zealand. The present study addresses this oversight by examining societal disengagement in a large, nationwide random sample of New Zealand adults collected in 2021/2022 (N = 34,131). Using latent profile analysis, we identified seven profiles in the population that differed on seven indicators of disengagement: feeling wronged, powerless, meaningless, disconnected from community, financially deprived and pessimistic, and wary of authority. Two enfranchised profiles captured most of the sample (68.9%), suggesting most people are generally connected to society. However, we identified a small Anomic profile (6.4%) in which members experienced alienation and disengagement across indicators. We also identified four additional profiles reflecting combinations of enfranchisement and disengagement. The seven profiles differed across demographic characteristics and reflect qualitative distinctions between the socially enfranchised and disengaged in New Zealand.
- 1 August 2025
- Published by New Zealand Psychological Society Inc. in New Zealand Journal of Psychology
- Vol. 54 (2) , 4-20
Open AccessProfiling Societal Disengagement in the New Zealand Population
Despite growing concerns about declining social cohesion, no systematic analyses have assessed how societal disengagement manifests in New Zealand. The present study addresses this oversight by examining societal disengagement in a large, nationwide random sample of New Zealand adults collected in 2021/2022 (N = 34,131). Using latent profile analysis, we identified seven profiles in the population that differed on seven indicators of disengagement: feeling wronged, powerless, meaningless, disconnected from community, financially deprived and pessimistic, and wary of authority. Two enfranchised profiles captured most of the sample (68.9%), suggesting most people are generally connected to society. However, we identified a small Anomic profile (6.4%) in which members experienced alienation and disengagement across indicators. We also identified four additional profiles reflecting combinations of enfranchisement and disengagement. The seven profiles differed across demographic characteristics and reflect qualitative distinctions between the socially enfranchised and disengaged in New Zealand.
- Open Access
- 28 October 2024
- Published by Springer Nature in Sex Roles
- Vol. 90 (12) , 1807-1827
My Body, My Choice? Examining the Distinct Profiles Underlying Attitudes Toward Abortion and COVID-19 Mandates
Protestors recently repurposed the abortion rights’ mantra, “my body, my choice,” to oppose COVID-19 mandates. But do those who oppose public health mandates fully support the right to choose? We answer this question by using exploratory analyses to identify the unique response patterns underlying support for abortion and COVID-19 mandates in random samples from the United States (Study 1; N = 2,331) and New Zealand (Study 2; N = 33,310). Latent profile analyses revealed a small subgroup in both countries (12.6% and 3.4% of the respective samples) who opposed mandates. Yet contrary to the “my body, my choice” rhetoric seen at anti-mandate protests, they also opposed abortion. Across both studies, those in the Anti-Mandate profile tended to be more religious, conservative, and distrustful of institutions. In Study 2, they were also low on cognitive consistency and high on conspiracy belief. Finally, the Anti-Mandate profile was opposed to free speech critical of both the United States and religion (Study 1), high on sexual prejudice (both studies), unsupportive of progressive protests (but supportive of reactionary protests; Study 2), and likely to vote for conservative parties (both studies). These results reveal the mobilization potential of the anti-mandate movement, uncover important contradictions within its members, and illustrate the nuanced ways in which opposition to gender policies (i.e., reproductive rights) coalesce with reactionary protests.
- 28 October 2024
- Published by Springer Nature in Sex Roles
- Vol. 90 (12) , 1807-1827
Open AccessMy Body, My Choice? Examining the Distinct Profiles Underlying Attitudes Toward Abortion and COVID-19 Mandates
Protestors recently repurposed the abortion rights’ mantra, “my body, my choice,” to oppose COVID-19 mandates. But do those who oppose public health mandates fully support the right to choose? We answer this question by using exploratory analyses to identify the unique response patterns underlying support for abortion and COVID-19 mandates in random samples from the United States (Study 1; N = 2,331) and New Zealand (Study 2; N = 33,310). Latent profile analyses revealed a small subgroup in both countries (12.6% and 3.4% of the respective samples) who opposed mandates. Yet contrary to the “my body, my choice” rhetoric seen at anti-mandate protests, they also opposed abortion. Across both studies, those in the Anti-Mandate profile tended to be more religious, conservative, and distrustful of institutions. In Study 2, they were also low on cognitive consistency and high on conspiracy belief. Finally, the Anti-Mandate profile was opposed to free speech critical of both the United States and religion (Study 1), high on sexual prejudice (both studies), unsupportive of progressive protests (but supportive of reactionary protests; Study 2), and likely to vote for conservative parties (both studies). These results reveal the mobilization potential of the anti-mandate movement, uncover important contradictions within its members, and illustrate the nuanced ways in which opposition to gender policies (i.e., reproductive rights) coalesce with reactionary protests.
- Open Access
- 14 October 2024
- Published by Center for Open Science in PsyArXiv
My Body, My Choice? Examining the Distinct Profiles Underlying Attitudes Toward Abortion and COVID-19 Mandates
Protestors recently repurposed the abortion rights’ mantra, “my body, my choice,” to oppose COVID-19 mandates. But do those who oppose public health mandates fully support the right to choose? We answer this question by using exploratory analyses to identify the unique response patterns underlying support for abortion and COVID-19 mandates in random samples from the United States (Study 1; N = 2,331) and New Zealand (Study 2; N = 33,310). Latent profile analyses revealed a small subgroup in both countries (12.6% and 3.4% of the respective samples) who opposed mandates. Yet contrary to the “my body, my choice” rhetoric seen at anti-mandate protests, they also opposed abortion. Across both studies, those in the Anti-Mandate profile tended to be more religious, conservative, and distrustful of institutions. In Study 2, they were also low on cognitive consistency and high on conspiracy belief. Finally, the Anti-Mandate profile was opposed to free speech critical of both the United States and religion (Study 1), high on sexual prejudice (both studies), unsupportive of progressive protests (but supportive of reactionary protests; Study 2), and likely to vote for conservative parties (both studies). These results reveal the mobilization potential of the anti-mandate movement, uncover important contradictions within its members, and illustrate the nuanced ways in which opposition to gender policies (i.e., reproductive rights) coalesce with reactionary protests.
- 14 October 2024
- Published by Center for Open Science in PsyArXiv
Open AccessMy Body, My Choice? Examining the Distinct Profiles Underlying Attitudes Toward Abortion and COVID-19 Mandates
Protestors recently repurposed the abortion rights’ mantra, “my body, my choice,” to oppose COVID-19 mandates. But do those who oppose public health mandates fully support the right to choose? We answer this question by using exploratory analyses to identify the unique response patterns underlying support for abortion and COVID-19 mandates in random samples from the United States (Study 1; N = 2,331) and New Zealand (Study 2; N = 33,310). Latent profile analyses revealed a small subgroup in both countries (12.6% and 3.4% of the respective samples) who opposed mandates. Yet contrary to the “my body, my choice” rhetoric seen at anti-mandate protests, they also opposed abortion. Across both studies, those in the Anti-Mandate profile tended to be more religious, conservative, and distrustful of institutions. In Study 2, they were also low on cognitive consistency and high on conspiracy belief. Finally, the Anti-Mandate profile was opposed to free speech critical of both the United States and religion (Study 1), high on sexual prejudice (both studies), unsupportive of progressive protests (but supportive of reactionary protests; Study 2), and likely to vote for conservative parties (both studies). These results reveal the mobilization potential of the anti-mandate movement, uncover important contradictions within its members, and illustrate the nuanced ways in which opposition to gender policies (i.e., reproductive rights) coalesce with reactionary protests.